當美中兩大強權在東亞仍然維持既競爭又合作的態勢時,避險(hedging)遂成為亞太國家一個務實且富有彈性的外交政策選擇。本文認為,中國的「夥伴關係」外交在學理與實務上確實與傳統軍事聯盟存有差異。中國在後冷戰時期國際社會缺少意識形態對抗的背景下推動「夥伴關係」外交,透過改善對外關係而拉攏國際支持,進而使得周邊國家享有更多採取避險戰略的空間。南韓作為美國的亞太盟國,在美中之間的避險即為一項例證。本文認為,除非國際情勢與國際結構有明顯變化,短期之內中國應該不至於放..
As the United States and China have remained the competition and cooperation in East Asia, hedging has become a pragmatic foreign policy object for the secondary states in the region. This article explores the differences between China’s “partnership” and traditional military alliances, attempting to explain the lack of a clear ideology in the post-Cold War era and its impacts on states’ hedging. Due to the strategy of “partnership” rather than the traditional military alliance, it has prov..
日本政府分別於 2001 年與 2009 年兩度改革預算制度,都是在內閣層級設立新的組織,移轉部分預算編列權限到內閣,希望透過改變編列預算的方式,來提高首相與內閣領導力,並解決各省廳的本位問題。前者是在內閣府設立經財政諮詢會議,後者則是分別在內閣官房與內閣府設立國家戰略室與行政刷新會議。儘管小泉內閣時期,透過經濟財政諮詢會議改革原有的預算編列方式,也成功地刪減財政支出,以及民主黨執政初期,行政刷新會議做出刪減預算的決定,國家戰略室也有設定降低財政赤字的目標,..
The Japanese government reformed its budget institutions and budget processes in 2001 and 2009, establishing the Council on Economic and Fiscal Policy(CEFP)in 2001, and the National Strategy Office(NSO)and the Government Revitalization Unit(GRU)in 2009. By moving the Ministry of Finance’s budget formulation authority to the Cabinet, it was expected that these new institutions would facilitate the prime minister’s leadership. However, despite institutional changes, the budget formulation processes and the existing ..
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