本文旨在探討歐盟與中國如何實踐戰略夥伴關係的目標,以及分析在過程中所面臨的阻礙。本文從歐盟與中國如何認知自身國際地位開始,檢視雙方從夥伴關係走向戰略夥伴關係的期望,評估在實質上是否具有此等關係的基礎,以及雙方為何在解除對中國軍售禁令以及承認中國市場經濟地位此二議題上遲遲無法取得共識。本文認為歐盟和中國對於戰略夥伴關係的認知並不明確,在具體議題上缺乏實質合作,因而難以取得突破性的發展。現今歐盟與中國的交往已經進入「務實省思期」,雙方都必須思考如何在現有的框架對話之外,進行具體的戰略合作,在重大國際議題上採取一致立場或聯合行動,才有可能產生戰略趨同,進而走向真正的戰略夥伴關係。而中國所推動的「新型大國關係」,預料將會增加中國對歐政策的主動姿態,並促使歐盟全面檢討對中國的政策,採取更為務實的態度來實踐與中國的戰略夥伴關係。
This article aims to examine the implementation of shaping the EU- China Strategic Partnership and investigate the obstacles they are encountering. Accordingly, the article will answer the following questions: (1)How do the EU and China define their strategic objectives?(2)What do they expect from the implementation of the strategic partnership?(3)Do they have fundamental consensus and benchmarks to shape this relationship? (4)Why does the EU reject to lift the arms embargo against China and refuse to recognise China’s market economy status?(5)Whether the negotiation for the PCA (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement) and the BIA (Bilateral Investment Agreement) between the two parties affects the implementation of a strategic partnership?
This article argues that due to the lack of strategic consensus to manage significant co-operation over critical international issues, it is difficult for the EU and China to achieve a true strategic partnership. Since the two parties are undergoing ‘a period of pragmatic reflection’, they have to consider how to fulfill the conclusions made in the summits, high-level meetings and sectored dialogues. Only if the EU and China can co-operate over international affairs, they are able to converge on mutual interests and build a real strategic partnership. Moreover, under the principle of ‘shaping a new type of great power relationship’, China is expected to play a more active role on the international scene. Therefore, the EU will have to undertake a more pragmatic approach to implement the EU-China strategic partnership.
在解放軍發展反介入/區域拒止戰力的背景下,美國近期出現了「海空戰」作戰概念的倡議。此一作戰概念的內容堪稱完整而全面,也提出許多值得美軍採納的建議,但缺失也同樣明顯。其概念中的兩個作戰構想,深入中國大陸上空的空襲,與侵入第一島鏈之內的反潛作戰,都是執行困難且徒勞無功,更帶來沒有必要的升高風險,因而得不償失。其實,美國及其區域盟邦只要發展類似的反介入/區域拒止戰力,即可對解放軍可能的侵略與強制構成強大的抵抗力。
People’s Liberation Army is developing its anti-access/area-denial capabilities to offset U.S. military presence in the West Pacific. In response, the operational concept of the “AirSea Battle” is currently being put forward in the United States. However, useful recommendations notwithstanding, both of its two core ideas - deep strike over Chinese mainland and anti- submarine warfare within first island chain - are difficult, futile, and contenting unnecessary risks of escalation. In fact, the United States ..
1960 年代末期,海洋地質專家即已預測東海大陸礁層蘊藏著豐富的油氣資源,並且造成了周圍國家的震撼,臺灣、中國與日本競相投入海域的探勘活動。但是,後來為了避免國際紛爭,各方遂停止在東海探採石油。然而,隨著海底資源開發技術的發展、國際原油價格節節攀升,以及聯合國海洋法公約的生效,中、日雙方圍繞在東海油氣田的爭端再度爆發出來。由於中國開始在日本主張的「中間線」附近開採石油,造成日本的強烈反應,雙方衝突不斷升級,值得臺灣密切關注。深究中、日在東海發生爭端的根本原因..
In the late 1960s, marine geologists had predicted that the continental shelf in the East China Sea is rich in oil and gas. This finding shocked the surrounding regions of Taiwan, Japan, and China, leading to a fever of oil exploration. These countries then stopped the exploration to prevent further international disputes. However, as new seabed resources exploring technology is developed, rising price of crude oil, and the implementation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the conflict of the East China Sea oil and g..
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