本文以「邊緣性」(marginality)的概念,詮釋小國愛沙尼亞(Estonia)的安全政策。「邊緣性」兼具地緣政治、認同、權力關係等多重意涵,適合用以探討小國的安全政策。從此觀點來看,位居邊緣位置的小國,不必然總是受制於中心或大國主導的秩序;由於前者本身是構成秩序的一部分,它也具有影響中心的可能性。後冷戰時期的愛沙尼亞,在外交與安全政策上可說由俄羅斯轉向西方。在這個置換中心的過程中,它一方面向新的中心(北約與歐盟)表達向心力,積極參與其主導的秩序,另一方面也藉由強調其特殊性,而影響北約與歐盟對俄羅斯與其他後蘇聯時期國家的政策。儘管有這些正面的事例,愛沙尼亞的策略卻也有其限制,例如它的觀點與批判,最終無法影響德國與俄羅斯主導的天然氣管線計畫。中心與邊緣的關係,因而是動態且有不同可能性的。
This paper attempts to (re)interpret Estonia’s security policy by adopting the concept of “marginality,” an idea that bears such elements as geopolitics, identity, size and power relations, and is therefore suitable for studying small states’ security policies. A small state located at the margin is not necessarily constrained by or subjected to the great power at the center, because as a constituent part of the very relationship, the margin always has certain potential to exert influence on the center. In the case of post-Cold War Estonia, the state has undergone a reorientation of foreign and security policy away from Russia and towards the West. In this process of “center- substitution,” Estonia has shown a great commitment to the new center by actively taking part in the order(s) constructed by the NATO (the United States in particular) and the EU. In addition, through exploiting its marginal position between Russia and the West, Estonia also seeks to shape the attitude of the NATO and EU towards the old center, Russia, and other post- Soviet states. Despite these positive practices, there are also limits to Estonia’s room of maneuver. An example in this regard can be found in Estonia’s failed attempts to overturn the “Nord Stream” gas pipeline project conducted and promoted by Germany and Russia. The relationships between a center and a margin therefore are dynamic and can have various outcomes.
中國崛起下東亞區域各國的反應,是近年來廣受關注的議題,中國邊疆地區的反應則相對受到忽略。以人類歷史上並不罕見的多民族大帝國視角來看,曾經的外邦可以收入版圖,曾經的境內也可能叛離或喪失,控制程度的深淺時有變動,在尋求跨越時空通論解釋的國際關係理論視角下,這看似南轅北轍的古今中外不同帝國的收放之間、異族的叛服之間,共通的關鍵因素究竟為何?現實主義所聚焦,物質力量的興衰固然重要;但建構主義的脈絡中,異族對帝國有無文化認同,是否也不可忽視呢?於此,既有研究除關注西方的羅馬帝國,更聚焦於東方的清帝..
The reaction of countries in East Asia under the rise of China has been a topic of widespread concern in recent years, while the reaction of China’s border areas has been relatively ignored. For multi-nation empires throughout human history, foreign territories can be included, and owned territories may also be lost. The degree of control changes from time to time. From the perspective of international relations theories that seek general explanations over a wide range of times and spaces, what exactly are the key factors accounting f..
本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響,並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應,而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答,則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式,將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。 「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定,意指小國在其對外行為上,主動將大國之國家利益納入考量,不做出..
This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we&r..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.