本文檢視 9 個在 2000 年至 2013 年與中華民國(以下簡稱臺灣)斷交的國家,以探討友邦與我斷交背後的中華人民共和國(以下稱中國)因素。本研究發現,對臺灣友邦來說,獲取來自中國在貿易、投資與金援的經濟考量,以及透過中國的支持提升其國際地位與穩固國內政權的政治考量,是影響友邦是否願意與臺灣延續外交關係的重要因素。大部分友邦在與臺灣斷交後,均能獲取大量來自中國的經濟與政治利益,即便是擁有長期穩固邦誼的友邦亦然。從友邦的角度來看,透過遊走於兩岸的外交競爭之中,讓臺灣與中國競租外交關係,能夠大幅提升其國家利益,因此道德與理想難以在極度現實的友邦爭奪戰中勝出。對臺灣而言,邦交國無法長期收買,只能短期租用,若維持邦交國數量仍是外交政策的重要目標,則臺灣恐需要更全盤地有彈性且客制化地制定出有效的經濟誘因,以提升與各國建交的可能性。
This paper investigates the underlying China factor that played out when nine countries ended diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (hereafter called ‘Taiwan’). Research shows acquiring economic benefits from China, in terms of trade, investment and foreign aid, securing China’s support for enhancing international status and consolidating domestic political power are important factors when an ally of Taiwan considers breaking ties. Most allies receive immediate and significant political and economic benefits from China, even those who have been allies of Taiwan for many years, as soon as they severe ties. They can greatly improve their national interests by capitalizing on the Taiwan-China diplomatic battle. Thus, Taiwan cannot win this fight by appealing to morals and ideals. Diplomatic allies are not for sale; Taiwan is only able to rent them for a while. If maintaining the number of diplomatic allies remains a priority for Taiwan, the government needs to come up with more comprehensive, flexible and customized economic incentives in order to(re-)establish diplomatic relationships with target countries.
本研究目的在於,從中國與北韓的國家利益角度,分析金正恩時期中朝之間合作與衝突的背景,進而探討雙方關係的走向。自習近平與金正恩於 2013 年分別出任中國與北韓的國家元首以來,由於中朝兩國皆採取對對方國家利益有所損失的政策,使雙方關係陷入緊張。就北韓的國家利益而言,穩定以金正恩為首的共產黨政權為第一要務。因此,金正恩上台之後,繼承金正日的「先軍政治」,持續研發軍事科技,進行試射導彈、第 3 次核試爆,採取「經濟、核武建設並進路線」,以凝聚國內團結,且處決危及金..
The purpose of this project is to analyze the historical background of co- operation and conflict between China and North Korea during the Kim Jung- un era from both Chinese and North Korean’s national-interest perspective, as well as the direction of bilateral relationships. Since Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un took office as China and North Korea’s head of state in 2013 respectively, both countries have been adopting policies to lose their people’s national interest from each other, which in turn have caused g..
厚資料(thick data)這個名詞大約在 2013 到 2014 年間被創造出來。先在網路上流傳,後來出現在管理學的評論及期刊之中。一開始,這個詞的意思是強調「質化」方法的知識建構,多是從人類學的視角出發。但這並不新。其實,「厚」的核心內涵很早就在人類學中被運用,原稱叫作厚實描述(thick description),因此,現在使用「厚資料」一詞者,不少是從「厚描述」或「厚敘事」(thick descriptions)的人類學民族誌研究方法(ethnog..
As a reflection and supplement to data-driven research, thick data was firstly proposed as a complementary method of using data to engage in meaning mining in 2013. Through the case of Chinese political economy, this article demonstrates how the use of thick data enables researchers to overcome the problem of data distortion. It argues that meaningful use of data sources is based on the identification of actors. In order to do so, researchers are required to answer the following two questions: Who are the actors contributing to the tendency..
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