本文屬於規範性的研究，在於提出個人對於國際永久和平的看法。本文分為六個部分。首先，對於歷史上曾經出現過的國際和平思想進程進行析論;其次，探討目前有無可能跳越「國家」這個長久存在的和平論述主體? 第三，嘗試解開和平論述的傳統面紗，將和平論述的主體從抽象的「國家」 轉移到更為實質的「政府」;第四，介紹「開放和平論」的理論基礎;第五，探究「開放政治市場」在歷史發展過程中曾經有過的若干實踐經驗及其意義;最後，則是對「開放政治市場」的內涵及實踐可行性表述。「開放政治市場」可以包含三個部分，依次為「職位開放」、「政黨開放」、「政府開放」，未來如果透過教育、傳播與政治運動，以「開放政治市場」來追求永久和平終有實現一天。
This article is normative in nature; it attempts to delineate the author’s view on international peace in six parts. It begins with a review of the development of international peace theory, and then advances to a discussion on the possibility of skipping the “state”—the long established subject in peace discourse—in our probing of the issue in point. The third part attempts to shift the abstract subject of the “state” in traditional peace discourse to a more substantial one of the “government.” The fourth part provides an account of the theory of “Open Peace”(open political market for peace). The fifth part examines the practices and the meaning of the “open political market” in history. The concluding part elaborates on the significance of the “open political market” and the viability of practice. The opening up of political market can be advanced in three stages, respectively marked by the opening up of official posts, foreign party registration, and the governmental per se. The author believes that the proposition of the “open political market” can be achieved in the future through education, dissemination of the ideal and political movement.
第二次世界大戰之後，現代南亞研究開始現身於美國學界，儘管其受到區域研究跨學科典範的影響，但卻仍未能完全擺脫東方學和印度學所積累下來的濃厚古典主義色彩，並在幾所領銜區域研究的重點大學院校中，形成獨樹一格的南亞研究傳統，著重於非功利取向的人文式理解;唯在受到一系列知識性與制度性的質疑和挑戰之後，隨著區域研究本身面臨學科紀律的重組與反省，過去對於南亞問題的研究視野，也開始出現許多檢討與轉變。在本文的討論中，我們便將透過南亞研究在美國學界發展軌跡的回顧與檢討，描繪區..
The establishing of South Asian studies in America during the decades following the WWII marked an important shift in the study of South Asia from Oriental studies and Indology towards an interdisciplinary area studies approach which tried to treat this area as objects of social sciences and humanities. During the ensuing decade, the earnest scholarship begun with the leading universities, such as the University of Chicago, University of Pennsylvania; all fostered new projects focused on South Asia. They had emphasized study ..
2016年8月1日原住民族日當天，蔡英文總統代表政府正式向原住民族道歉。自此之後，臺灣的原住民族政策便邁入了新頁。在眾多後續討論中，原住民族自治議題尤其受到族人與各界的關注。對此，現階段政府的規劃，是希望參酌美加紐等國經驗，透過「實質談判程序機制」來達到自治。此方案近似於前述原住民族先進國所採取的「條約模式」，也就是透過原住民族和國家(中央、地方政府)協商談判並簽訂協定的方式，來確認進而規範兩者間的關係。面對此一嶄新的方案，各界的討論卻相對有限。無獨有偶地，..
In 2016, President Ing-wen Tsai apologized to the Taiwanese indigenous peoples on behalf of the government, which is known as the National Apology. Echoing this National Apology, the Council of Indigenous Peoples reaffirmed its proposal called the “substantive negotiation process”. Before long, this innovative treaty-making provision opened a debate on whether or not such process can really fit in with Taiwan’s current constitutional and legal system. As a way to move forward, this article attempts to scruti..
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