近 400 年來的歐洲,是主權國家平等的「西發里亞體系」,以權力平衡維繫國際秩序;近 600 年以來的東亞,則是中國為天朝而四方小國臣服的「朝貢體系」,是上下層級的國際秩序。為何會有「朝貢體系」?它為何能運作?從現實主義式的觀點來看,「朝貢體系」只是一個包裝過的權力政治,骨子裡仍是物質上的利害與效益計算,中國霸權之下區域國家抵抗無望,不得不臣服。但是,從建構主義式的觀點來看,之所以會有「朝貢體系」的國際秩序,並不只是因為中國的強大,也是因為區域國家認同中國的文化,中國於是才有了領導的正當性。究竟這兩種觀點孰是孰非?本研究嘗試以歷來與中國朝貢關係最密切的朝鮮為案例,實際從其 1618 至 1637 年 間,在明朝與清朝之間選擇的決策過程,檢驗他決定服從中國的真實理由,以進一步了解東亞「朝貢體系」的國際秩序。本文從中發現,建構主義式的論點獲得驗證。
For nearly four centuries, Europe had the so-called Westphalian System of sovereign states, in which balance of power was the basis of international order. In contrast, for nearly six centuries, East Asia had the so-called “tribute system,” a hierarchical order where China was the supreme leader. Why? From a realist perspective, the tribute system was just a wrapper over power politics based on material calculations of interest and benefit: East Asian countries had no choice but submission to China’s hegemony. However, from a constructivist perspective, the tribute system was not just caused by China’s hegemony. The shared sino-centric culture in the region was equally important. China gained the legitimacy of leadership due to its cultural achievements. Which of these two arguments is valid? This study attempts to answer this question by exploring China’s closest tributary country, Korea. By tracing Korea’s decision-making processes from 1618 to 1637 in detail, this study can uncover the true logic behind Korea’s submissiveness to China and thus improve our understanding toward the East Asian tribute system. In the end, constructivist perspective is confirmed.
本研究目的在於,從中國與北韓的國家利益角度,分析金正恩時期中朝之間合作與衝突的背景,進而探討雙方關係的走向。自習近平與金正恩於 2013 年分別出任中國與北韓的國家元首以來,由於中朝兩國皆採取對對方國家利益有所損失的政策,使雙方關係陷入緊張。就北韓的國家利益而言,穩定以金正恩為首的共產黨政權為第一要務。因此,金正恩上台之後,繼承金正日的「先軍政治」,持續研發軍事科技,進行試射導彈、第 3 次核試爆,採取「經濟、核武建設並進路線」,以凝聚國內團結,且處決危及金..
The purpose of this project is to analyze the historical background of co- operation and conflict between China and North Korea during the Kim Jung- un era from both Chinese and North Korean’s national-interest perspective, as well as the direction of bilateral relationships. Since Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un took office as China and North Korea’s head of state in 2013 respectively, both countries have been adopting policies to lose their people’s national interest from each other, which in turn have caused g..
中國大陸自文革起歷經改革開放、中越戰爭、重要歷史決議案等重大轉變;同時日本的中國研究界內部也正進行世代交替的變化過程;加上兩岸公開史料,日中間學術交流、研究者相互長期在地研究等客觀情勢變化。日本中國研究因此開啟了約十年的轉型期,這個期間轉型並不朝向單一方向,而 是開始了各種多元的復甦。首先是在史觀上,在社會主義中國完全視為完全斷裂的「革命史觀」,轉變為強調連續性的「民國史觀」;第二是主體性與價值觀面向,擺脫完全依賴中共定義,建立日本「再評價」風潮;最後是方法..
Since the Cultural Revolution, Mainland China has experienced great transitions such as the Reform and the Open Period, the Sino-Vietnam War, and several historical political resolutions. Japan’s China Studies have also experienced several generational changes. Historical documents between Taiwan and China have been published. Scholarly exchanges between China and Japan have also increased, including the possibility of visiting scholars from one to the other. All these have contributed to the transition of Japan’s..
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