當代中國政治領導人及公共知識分子努力營造中國是一個「負責任的大國」形象。雖然他們審慎地觀察外界如何期待中國,但是他們卻又未必願意滿足外界對於所謂「負責任」的定義。在全球化時代,外界總是關心中國是否能夠參與解決、減緩或預防各種全球治理問題。不過,不論是古典的或當代的中國政治思想,往往強調反躬自省,因此中國政府在體現對自身的世界責任時,幾乎無例外的都以中國能妥善處理與全球治理相關的內部問題為目標,以確保中國自己不成為全球問題為職志。相較於歐美發達國家勇於標舉全球..
Both the political leaders and intellectuals in China want to present the image of her being a responsible country in the world. Their understandings of responsibility are not directed at an external audience, although they closely watch what the latter expects of China. In the global age, the expectation is always about China’s contribution to conflict resolutions, and alleviation and prevention of global problems, whatever it may be. The Chinese political thoughts, classic as well as modern, are so grounded in their c..
拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型,在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷,本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎,運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示,在其他條件不變的情況下,一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡,則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言,本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..
The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.