1980 年代中期以來，包括台灣在內的部分亞洲、中東歐、中南美等國家紛紛進行民主轉型，並帶動新一波的憲法變遷。不過，在民主轉型的脈絡中，憲法究竟扮演何種角色，則一直未受到充分學術探討。本文旨在深究民主轉型與憲法變遷間的互動關係。 在研究方法上，本文歸納分析民主轉型國家的憲法變遷，提出四種主要的模式:轉型初期一次制憲、轉型初期一次大幅修憲、階段式制憲、多次漸進修憲。其次則從主權因素、政權更迭、憲政傳統以及國際干預的四個面向，探討民主轉型國..

Many countries in East and Central Europe, Central and South America, and Asia, including Taiwan, undertook democratic transitions amidst the 1980s, which triggered a new wave of constitutional change. The role of constitutional change in the context of democratic transitions, however, has not been explored and discussed fully by scholars in the field. This article aims at addressing this issue and focuses on the interactions between democratic transitions and constitutional change. In order to analyze constitution..

過去研究已指出選舉輸家和贏家在民主滿意度和政治支持上具有顯著的差異，然而卻鮮少有研究檢視選舉輸家和贏家在情感極化的程度上是否有顯著的不同。本研究認為在選舉競爭激烈的情況下，選舉輸家對於勝選者缺乏信心，不信任勝選者會回應其需求，加深其與勝選陣營之間的鴻溝，進而具有較高的情感極化程度。另一方面，選舉贏家則因為處於勝選、掌握政治權力的一方，對於敵對陣營可能較具有包容力，因此會具有較低的情感極化程度。此外，本研究進一步提出選舉輸家/贏家與情感極化之間的關係會受到治效能感的調節作用而產生異質性的影..

Previous research has pointed out significant differences between electoral losers and winners in terms of democratic satisfaction and political support. However, there has been scarce examination of whether there are significant differences in affective polarization between electoral losers and winners. This study argues that in fiercely competitive elections, electoral losers lack confidence in the winners and distrust that their needs will be addressed, deepening the divide between them and the winning camp, and leading to higher levels ..