韓國財閥如現代、三星、LG,目前已是全球知名企業。他們的崛起與韓國政府的強烈支持有重大關係:政府支持財閥,分擔其投資分險、給予寡、獨占市場控制;財閥則回報政府以提供就業機會、賺取外匯、促進經濟成長。然而在此光明表象下,韓國政府與財閥間也有為人詬病的陰暗關係:政府官員收受財閥政治獻金及其他種種 「政治規費」,財閥則被回報以財經措施上的優惠。而隨著政治民主化,政府遭受國民逐漸上升的監督,要求政府和財閥的透明關係,並控制富可敵國的財閥。然而財閥則因經濟自由化而日益壯大,不再受制於政府的管控。韓..
Korean conglomerates, or chaebols in Korean, such as Samsung, Hyundai, LG, are now familiar and global enterprises. However, the rising of chaebols was supported and often pushed by Korean government. For instance, government and chaebols shared investment risks and their aims to keep national market oligarchic or monopolistic, etc. Chaebols returned by creating employment opportunities, earning foreign exchanges, and driving economic development. But underneath the shining surface lies a dark and notorious side: for economic, financial, an..
台灣與新加坡雖然一直被學者認為是發展國家的典型案例,然而兩者在 1990 年代之後卻邁向截然不同的轉型途徑;展現在國家介入市場的特徵上也大異其趣。雖然有關兩個發展國家的現況已有許多個別研究,然而透過比較的視角以探討兩地公私部門間的網絡鑲嵌結構的差異,在目前的研究文獻中仍然鮮少。本文透過制度論的分析架構,聚焦在兩者的政府介入企業層次的治理網絡,考察其結構的形成歷史與演變軌跡,透過量化的資料比較其異同,並探討兩種不同網絡結構可能會有的政經意涵。1990 年代以後..
Although Taiwan and Singapore have been considered as two successful cases of the developmental state model, their recent transformations demonstrate distinct and divergent paths. Recent studies have documented this transition from a macro perspective of the political-economic process, yet scholars have been relatively inattentive to the market governance network from a meso-organizational perspective. We believe that it will help us better understand the transforming nature of two developmental states by looking at the netwo..
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