台灣與俄羅斯都是在第三波民主化浪潮時,從威權或極權政體走向民主政體的國家。然而,兩國的民主政治發展卻有截然不同的結果。本文的主要目的,乃是在探討 1995 年至 2005 年之間,台灣與俄羅斯在民主發展上的異同。首先,針對民主鞏固之概念作概括性的整理與解釋;其次,說明台灣與俄羅斯民主發展之過程;接著,以民主轉型與民主鞏固的模型,深入比較台灣與俄羅斯民主化進程之差異;最後,則進一步提出台灣邁向民主鞏固與俄羅斯發生民主崩潰的觀察。
Both Taiwan and Russia became democracies during the period of Third Wave of Democratization. However, the results of democratization for each turned out to be completely different. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the similarities and dissimilarities of democratic developments during the period of 1995-2005. The concept of democratic consolidation and relevant ideas is clearly explained in the first section, also showing the process of Taiwan and Russia’s democratic developments. In addition, models of democratic transition and democratic consolidation to clarify the difference of both countries’ democratization are used. Finally, observations on Taiwan’s democratic consolidation and Russia’s democratic breakdown are offered.
在國族形塑過程中,各種原生條件,如共同歷史記憶、語言、文化、宗教信仰等,扮演著重要角色。烏克蘭在擺脫俄羅斯影響,重塑其國家主體性的歷史進程中,耗費漫長的時間在教會自主-脫離莫斯科的管理,成為真正的民族教會。但就東正教會的角度來看,一個民族國家教會的獨立不僅只是個別國家的問題,還牽涉到普世東正教會的教法傳統,這也涉及到東正教關於教會與國家關係的認知。此外,烏克蘭正教會的獨立又牽涉到兩個無法迴避的議題:烏克蘭信眾對於教會歸屬的認同以及莫斯科教會的立場和影響力。本文以烏克蘭正教會獨立為核心,討..
During the process of building a nation, various original conditions, such as common historical memory, language, culture, religious beliefs, etc., play an important role. In the history of integration of Ukrainian statehood, the most important events are the independence of the Ukrainian Church, where it separated from Moscow’s rule and the creation of a national Church. However, from the position of the Ecumenical Orthodox Church, this topic not only touches state policy, but also the Church tradition, which has a connection with th..
台海兩岸自 1949 年分裂至今,雙方的政策雖歷經不同階段的調整,但仍無法突破僵局。中共始終不放棄以武力方式解決台灣問題的可能性,堅持對台灣使用武力乃其處理國內事務之主權合法行使,不受國際法的限制。本文從國際法禁止使用武力原則的目的與相關實踐來看,此原則不僅針對國家,也對包括事實實體在內的其它國際法人適用。現階段台灣在國際法下的國家地位雖有些爭議,但不影響其作為一個受國際法規範與保障的事實實體。不過,在兩岸關係中,由於中共堅持台灣問題為中國內政,且國際社會對..
The stand-off across the Taiwan Strait has, since 1949, continued to divide the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (Taiwan). The PRC still insists that the Cross-Strait situation is an internal affair of China, and thus it upholds the position that using force against Taiwan is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty under international law. This article argues that, based on relevant practices, non-use of force as a principle under customary international law applies not only to States, but also to..
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