1648 年西發里亞條約簽訂後,「領土律令」成為主權國家的一項基本原理。 可是,像泰國這樣的東南亞國家,在劃定政治空間以後,卻未能完全地控制邊界。在邊界地帶,中央政府的政治權力相當虛弱,而且,容易遭遇挑戰。冷戰時期,泰國政府因認知到共產主義威脅,而將邊界地帶的高山民族納入國家統合的議程中。為有效地對邊界地帶的高山民族進行統治,且主張統治的正當性,泰國官方創造出一套關於高山民族的論述體系,使得「山民」成為泰國北部高山民族的一種身分織別的負面標籤。泰國政府持續地把焦點放在「山民問題」的解決,使得這種負面的刻板印象深植在泰國社會中。然而,隨著共產主義威脅的消褪,泰國政治邁向民主化發展,跨境區域經濟合作的興起,這些轉變對國家和高山民族的關係有何影響呢?本文認為,像泰國這樣的開發中國家, 因為市民社會尚未完全成熟,高山民族參與政治活動的機會仍遭受嚴重限制,即使官方展現出朝向多元文化主義發展的趨勢,因為支配國家的主體族群,仍掌握論述創造、政策制定及立法等相關權力,從而在國家和高山民族的關條上,依然占據著優勢的地位。
Since 1648, territorial imperative has become a basic principle of the modern sovereign nation-state system. With the emergence of modern nation-states in peninsular Southeast Asia in the post-colonial era, however, those states' writ still fails to extend to the borderland. During the Cold War period, the central government of Thailand perceived Communism as a threat to Southeast Asia, thus necessary to integrate the highlanders into a territorially bounded nation. For effective ruling, the term chao khao (hill tribe peoples ) was used by the Thai government to refer to the minority ethnic groups in Northern Thailand. Within the discourse of chao khao, there are several negative and stereotypical images towards minority ethnic groups, such as “forest destroyers",“migrants of the mountains",“opium producers", etc. Can the state exert control over the borderlands as globalization prevails since the early 1980s? This article examines the changing relations between the state and the minority ethnic groups in Thailand. We argue that even though the Thai government has recognized the politics of diversity, the state still has dominated the state- minority ethnic groups relations because the state authorized its power over discourse-constructing, policy-making, and law-making.
本研究探索造成《歐盟—越南自由貿易協定》(EUVFTA)和《歐盟—中國全面投資協定》(EU-China CAI)不同結果的影響因素。歐越自貿協定及歐中投資協定皆將永續發展及勞工權利等貿易永續願景納入歐盟貿易政策,亦即兩者皆為歐盟所謂的新世代經貿協定。然而在實務上,兩項協定命運卻有很大的差異。本研究透過現實主義、自由主義和社會建構主義三大國際關係主流理論,探索影響兩個協定發展的戰略、制度和意識形態因素。本文認為,儘管理念上的規範性力量有其重要性,但戰略夥伴關係、既存..
This thesis investigates the differing results of the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EUVFTA) and the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI). Both agreements are designed to embed sustainability and labor rights within the EU’s trade policies. By applying realism, liberalism, and social constructivism, the study examines the strategic, institutional, and ideological elements that impact these agreements. It is posited that although normative power is essential, practical factors concerning strategic partnerships, instit..
隨著拜登政府(Biden Administration)對中國半導體、人工智慧以及資通訊產業進行制裁,美中兩大強權於科技領域內競爭態勢已經形成。學者與政府官員對於中國挑戰美國科技霸權感到憂慮。然而當前國際關係領域缺乏對總體科技實力建構有效測量指標,導致在衡量中國科技權力上產生偏誤。因此,本文從金融權力、人力資本和智慧財產三個面向出發,建構了一套測量國家總體科技權力的指標。從指標中可發現,儘管中國已成為科技強國之一,但其與美國之間仍存在顯著差距。透過比較個案研究發現相比於美國開放社會帶來金..
As the Biden administration imposes sanctions on China’s semiconductor, artificial intelligence, and information and communication industries, a competitive stance in the technological arena has been established between the two powers, the United States and China. Scholars and government officials are concerned about China’s challenge to the US’s technological hegemony. However, there is a lack of effective measurement indicators for overall technological capability in the current field of international relations, lead..
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