本文旨在探討歐盟與中國如何實踐戰略夥伴關係的目標,以及分析在過程中所面臨的阻礙。本文從歐盟與中國如何認知自身國際地位開始,檢視雙方從夥伴關係走向戰略夥伴關係的期望,評估在實質上是否具有此等關係的基礎,以及雙方為何在解除對中國軍售禁令以及承認中國市場經濟地位此二議題上遲遲無法取得共識。本文認為歐盟和中國對於戰略夥伴關係的認知並不明確,在具體議題上缺乏實質合作,因而難以取得突破性的發展。現今歐盟與中國的交往已經進入「務實省思期」,雙方都必須思考如何在現有的框架對話之外,進行具體的戰略合作,在重大國際議題上採取一致立場或聯合行動,才有可能產生戰略趨同,進而走向真正的戰略夥伴關係。而中國所推動的「新型大國關係」,預料將會增加中國對歐政策的主動姿態,並促使歐盟全面檢討對中國的政策,採取更為務實的態度來實踐與中國的戰略夥伴關係。
This article aims to examine the implementation of shaping the EU- China Strategic Partnership and investigate the obstacles they are encountering. Accordingly, the article will answer the following questions: (1)How do the EU and China define their strategic objectives?(2)What do they expect from the implementation of the strategic partnership?(3)Do they have fundamental consensus and benchmarks to shape this relationship? (4)Why does the EU reject to lift the arms embargo against China and refuse to recognise China’s market economy status?(5)Whether the negotiation for the PCA (Partnership and Cooperation Agreement) and the BIA (Bilateral Investment Agreement) between the two parties affects the implementation of a strategic partnership?
This article argues that due to the lack of strategic consensus to manage significant co-operation over critical international issues, it is difficult for the EU and China to achieve a true strategic partnership. Since the two parties are undergoing ‘a period of pragmatic reflection’, they have to consider how to fulfill the conclusions made in the summits, high-level meetings and sectored dialogues. Only if the EU and China can co-operate over international affairs, they are able to converge on mutual interests and build a real strategic partnership. Moreover, under the principle of ‘shaping a new type of great power relationship’, China is expected to play a more active role on the international scene. Therefore, the EU will have to undertake a more pragmatic approach to implement the EU-China strategic partnership.
本文提出雙重政商關係的理論架構以探討中國因素對臺灣媒體自我審查的影響力消長。本文主張:臺灣媒體實施外導型自我審查的程度,取決 於其跨海峽政商關係與在地政商關係的相對強度。針對旺中集團與三立集團的比較個案研究發現:當某臺灣媒體的跨海峽政商關係比在地政商關係更加強化時,該媒體便會採取或增加外導型自我審查;而當其在地政商關係比跨海峽政商關係更加強化時,則會減少或取消外導型自我審查。本研究結果有助於了解中國因素影響力消長的條件、補充現有研究對於媒體自我審查增減的解釋..
This article provides a theoretical framework of dual government-business relations to explore the rise and decline of China’s influence on Taiwanese media’s self-censorship. It argues that the extent to which a Taiwanese media firm conducts external-induced self-censorship under Beijing’s influence hinges on the relative strength between its local and cross-strait government- business relations. The comparative case study of the Want Want-China Times Media Group and the Sanlih E-Television Group indicates t..
本文主要關注後冷戰時期,面對中國崛起,美中兩強與以「竹子外交」聞名的泰國如何相互應對與影響?本文主要研究問題為:一、促成美中泰三方互動結構轉變之重要政治事件為何?二、美中泰三方互動是否存在第三方影響?三、美中泰三角關係內部行為如何相互影響?透過時間序列分析,統計結果佐證911事件對美中泰三角關係產生了結構轉變之效應,而中國政經因素與泰國內政因素之衝擊有限。此外,統計結果也證實美中泰三角關係中,美中互動將促成泰國利用對美政策加以平衡回應,顯示泰國面對大國政治的..
Facing China’s rise in the post-Cold War era, how do great powers, like the United States, China, and Thailand, who is famous for its bamboo strategy, interact with each other? This paper aims to answer the question by analyzing (1) what events cause structural changes in the triangle; (2) how the third-party effect works in this triangle; (3) how the three actors influence each other. By applying time-series analyses, statistical results show that the 911 attack had led to a structural change for the triangle. The impa..
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