WTO爭端解決機制一向被譽為皇冠上之珍珠,如今上訴機構陷入停擺危機,反而成為皇冠上之荊棘。過去數年來,美國運用WTO所要求之共識,屢次反對上訴機構成員之選任案,尤其是川普政府上台後更加強杯葛之力道。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書之規定,上訴案件最少由三名成員審理並作成裁決。然而2019年12月10日之後,上訴機構已無法正常運作。長期以來美國對上訴機構提出許多批評,包括系統性、實質性與程序性問題;反之,許多WTO會員則急於補實懸缺,而疏於處理美國關切之事項。根據爭端解決規則暨程序瞭解書第3.2條之規定,爭端解決機制之核心目標在於確保多邊貿易體系之穩定性與可預測性。倘若上訴機構名存實亡,WTO爭端解決機制之運作亦將喪失有效性與可信度。上訴機構無法正常運作,導致以規則為基礎之多邊貿易體系陷入危機。鑒於上訴機構之重要性,本文擬探討危機之根源,回顧美國杯葛之始末與理由,並探討歐盟為了化解上訴機構危機而提出之方案,進行評估。
The dispute settlement system, often considered as the “crown jewel” of the WTO, is in a present crisis and becomes the crown of thorns. Over the past years, the United States through the use of the WTO’s consensus requirements has successfully blocked the launch of a process to select the Appellate Body members. This is carried forward by the Trump administration. With a Settlement of Disputes Understanding (DSU) requirement that appeals be heard by three AB members, with the AB membership down to zero at the present time, the Appellate Body ceased to operate in December 10, 2019. The U.S. Administration makes clear that the U.S. long-standing concerns involve systemic, substantive and procedural issues. However, many WTO members have been pressing for the filling of Appellate Body vacancies first and addressing U.S. concerns over time. Without the Appellate Body, the dispute settlement system loses much of its effectiveness and credibility since the core objective of the system is to “provide security and predictability to the multilateral trading system” as stipulated in Article 3.2 of the DSU. The collapse of the Appellate Body may indicate that the rule-based multilateral trading system will be in peril. In view of the importance of the Appellate Body, this article looks into the reasons for the U.S. blockade and the nature of its concerns. This article also explores the proposals put forward by the European Union and the options available to overcome the impasse.
歐洲聯盟 2004 年 5 月以及 2007 年 1 月的東擴之舉係 1950 年代以來歐洲統合過程中重要的發展過程。這不僅是使得中東歐地區國家加入歐盟,更重要的意義在於將不同地區文化與結構透過改革的轉軌過程中融入了歐盟的價值。因此,在歐盟未來的主要擴大議程中也包含了土耳其、克羅埃西亞以及西巴爾半島地區國家。對於歐盟而言,加強並保障有關區域和平、穩定、 繁榮、民主、人權以及歐洲法治的理念價值是相當重要的。 對土耳其而言,與歐盟的關係已歷..
The Eastern Enlargement of the European Union in the year of 2004 and 2007 is one of the most significant developments in the process of European Integration since the 1950s. And with Turkey and the Western Balkan States, enlargement will continue to be one of the major issues on the political agendas. More recently, the EU has inspired tremendous reforms in Turkey, Croatia and the Western Balkans. It is vitally important for the EU to ensure a carefully managed enlargement process that extends peace, stability, prosperity, d..
本文所要探討的是一個尚未回答的問題,也就是歐盟的法律地位問題,換句話說,歐盟在法律上屬於哪一類型的政治組織? 很顯然的,以傳統法律術語裡面所定義的聯邦去定位歐盟並不合適。目前的歐盟,既不是聯邦,也不應視為聯邦。當然,她也不能被稱為一個國家,因為她並沒有也不願爭取做為一個國家所必須具備的最高決策權力。根據歐盟憲法條約草案第一條第十一項第二款的規定,歐盟任何一種權力的取得以歐盟成員國的個別授權為限。因此,如何定義歐盟,至今還沒有人給過一個大家都能接受的答案。 筆者認為,給予歐..
The article deals with an unanswered question of how the legal status of the European Union may be characterized. In other words: What kind of political community the EU belongs to? It is rather easy to demonstrate that the juridical terms, which were used traditionally to define federally organized political units, are not appropriate to characterize the European Union. It may not be treated as a confederation of soveregin states nor as a federal state, and the EU itself resists being called a state at all. It is because that the EU do..
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