日本於2000年實施長照制度，服務的提供幾乎以營利的私部門為主，公部門和非營利組織所占比例有限，形成「以私為主，以公為輔」的服務供給模式。然而，如是的改變能否發揮公私「相互支應」的功能？在公私版圖大移轉的情況下，公私部門之間的關係有何轉變，又產生哪些問題？這些都是本文所欲探究的問題。 研究發現，日本照護服務的供給確實發揮公私相互支應的功能，在政府全國一致的價格管制下，雖然供給主體也有所不同，但因藉由準公共機關來彌補吸脂效應所產生的缺失，故能使基本照護服務勉強取得平衡，現階段服務供..

Japan adopted the long-term care insurance in 2000, with the majority of the services provided by the private sector, and a limited proportion provided by the public sector and non-profit organizations. The services therefore is mainly provided by the private sector and supplemented by the public sector. However, would this change be able to facilitate mutual support among the public and private sector? What kind of relationship change and issues would occur under the public-private transition? These are the questions that would be discusse..

就「例外論」而言，既有文獻主要聚焦於探討美國、中國、印度等大國對於自身「例外性」的想像與建構，相對忽略了作為「隱士王國」的北韓也有著根深蒂固的「例外論」傳統。基於此，本文藉由國家自傳體敘事的研究架構，並以主體思想為主軸，對「北韓例外論」加以剖析。文章認為神話敘事面向的檀君神話、北韓金氏家族的敘事操控以及北韓的歷史政治教育是三種有效影響北韓向「例外」身分轉化的自傳體敘事機制；在類型上，「北韓例外論」大致可分為北韓政治制度優越論、北韓國家特性例外論，以及北韓國家地位例外論。根據本文的研究發現..

In terms of “exceptionalism”, some studies have focused on the imagination and construction of exceptionality by major powers such as the United States, China, and India, while ignoring the deep-rooted tradition of exceptionalism in North Korea as a hermit kingdom. With this in mind, this article uses an analytical framework for national autobiographical narratives and analyzes Korean exceptionalism with a focus on the Juche idea. The article argues that the mythological narrative-oriented myth of Dangun, the narrative manipulat..

本研究透過列項實驗（list experiment）指出傳統民意調查測量方法的侷限性，特別是在攸關民眾上戰場作戰的問題方面，解讀民調數字需審慎考量因「社會期許偏誤」（social desirability bias）造成的高估情形。具體而言，本文結合網路調查與列項實驗，探討社會期許偏誤對民眾上戰場意願的影響程度，並利用針對列項實驗所發展出的多變數迴歸分析（multivariate regression analysis）方法，檢視影響民眾上戰場意願的成因。結果顯示若中共武力犯台，民眾願為..

Through a list experiment, this study points out the limitation of public opinion survey. Especially when it comes to the issue related to people’s willingness to fight in a war, interpreting the poll requires careful consideration of overestimation caused by “social desirability bias.” By combing an online survey and list experiments, this paper examines how social desirability bias impacts Taiwanese’s determination to fight. The results show that if China invades Taiwan by force, about 64% are willing to fight for T..

本文初探各國社會資本、政體與新冠肺炎疫苗接種普及率與進度的關聯性。筆者關注社會資本的不同要素是否有助於各國推行疫苗接種；此外，社會資本能否作為解釋政體在疫苗接種差異的來源，特別是民主、非民主國家的區隔。本研究建置涵蓋世界價值觀調查、自由之家與疫苗接種資訊的87個國家資料庫進行實證分析。分析結果顯示制度信心如預期地對疫苗接種普及率有顯著正向效應；規範認知則對疫苗接種達標風險率有顯著負向影響，與社會資本的理論相悖。其次，不論疫苗接種普及率與達標風險率的分析，都顯示社會資本能作為解釋政體與疫苗..

This paper explores why some countries share higher COVID-19 vaccinations than others. The author addresses how social capital and regime types are associated with the rate and speed of vaccination in countries. It is argued that elements of social capital are not only able to promote the vaccinations, but also be one of mediating factors that account for the differences between types of political regimes in vaccination. Country data on social capital and political regimes is linked to data on COVID-19 vaccinations in 87 countries (includin..

二次世界大戰後，隨著全球事務的複雜化，跨國經濟活動、新科技與網路的發達，加遽了人與人之間的交流與互動，也使得國際間的相互依賴愈來愈加深與頻繁，從而大幅改變國際關係之面貌，致使國與國之間的界線也變得模糊。非政府組織的興起意味著傳統以「國家為國際事務主要成員」的觀點受到質疑與挑戰，當各國治理範疇逐步縮減時，非政府組織卻開始填補了政府在國際活動方面的空缺，在國際社會中快速擴張，因此，在進行國際援助時，若非政府組織與政府之間如能相互協力，應比其中任何一方單打獨鬥更能..

After World War II, with the complexity of international affairs, cross border economic activities, new technology and the internet contributed to the increase of human interaction. This also increases the interdependence between countries, as well as the changes in international relationships made the borders among countries more and more vague. The rise of Non- Government Organizations (NGOs) indicated that the concept of “nations as the main player in international affairs” is being challenged. NGOs gradually t..