半總統制的聯合內閣如何形成？半總統制下的總統如何影響內閣的組 成和運作？聯合內閣不同的運作模式如何影響聯合內閣的存續？是本文主 要的研究問題。本文的結論如下：第一、中東歐多數的半總統制國家之總 統是屬於無黨籍總統，憲法規定當選之後必須退出政黨運作。然而這些無 黨籍總統並沒有退居二線或是扮演超然中立的角色，依然會運作其憲法上 的權威主導或是介入內閣的運作。特別是當國會沒有任何一個政黨控制過 半數時，總統可以主導選擇結盟的政黨對象，藉由組合多數..

The main research questions addressed in this paper are: How does a coalition cabinet form in a semi-presidential system, in what ways does the president influence its formation and operation, and how do different modes of coalition governance affect cabinet durability? The conclusions are as follows: Firstly, in many semi-presidential countries in Eastern Europe, the president is a non-partisan f igure constitutionally required to withdraw from partisan politics after election. However, these non-partisan presidents..

印度GDP（PPP）居世界第三，其外交動向值得關注。考提利亞在 《利論》中基於現實主義國際觀而提出六種對外策略：「和、戰、靜待、 往征、托庇、貳端」，反映出對於地理鄰近性與權力平衡的考量。本文批 判性梳理中、英、日文學界的相關研究，修正對考提利亞策略內涵的誤 讀，並指出其思想對現代印度外交戰略的影響。

India’s GDP (PPP) is the third largest in the world, and its diplomacy warrants attention. Based on the realist international perspective, Kautilya proposed sixfold foreign strategies: “peace, war, staying quiet, marching, seeking refuge, and double stratagem”, reflecting the consideration of geographical proximity and balance of power. This paper critically reviews the relevant studies in Chinese, English, and Japanese, corrects the misreading of Kautilya’s strategic connotation, and points o..

1970∼1990年代，政治心理學就已運用於國際關係研究，但2000年起的「情緒轉向」賦予「國際政治心理學」復興的意義與影響，包括學者之間不同觀點的辯論、議題研究的實務價值、國際心理學科際整合研究的發展趨勢與挑戰，以及此轉向對整體國關研究的影響等等，都展現「情緒轉向」正重新帶動國際政治心理學的新進展，遂成為觀察此新進展的關鍵櫥窗，藉由此觀察論析其發展的挑戰與回應。 第壹部分探討國關研究的「情緒轉向 」與政治心理學發展，藉以顯現國關學者應用政治心理學為研究途徑於相關領域及議..

From 1970s to 1990s, Political Psychology has applied to International Relations, but only since 2000, the “emotional turn” empowered International Political Psychology the meaning of revival and impacts. Including the debates between scholars with different perspectives (ontology, epistemology, methodology, and research methods), the practice values of issues study, interdisciplinary trends and challenges of International Political Psychology, and the impacts of “emotional turn”. All demonstrate the “emotional..

過去研究已指出選舉輸家和贏家在民主滿意度和政治支持上具有顯著的差異，然而卻鮮少有研究檢視選舉輸家和贏家在情感極化的程度上是否有顯著的不同。本研究認為在選舉競爭激烈的情況下，選舉輸家對於勝選者缺乏信心，不信任勝選者會回應其需求，加深其與勝選陣營之間的鴻溝，進而具有較高的情感極化程度。另一方面，選舉贏家則因為處於勝選、掌握政治權力的一方，對於敵對陣營可能較具有包容力，因此會具有較低的情感極化程度。此外，本研究進一步提出選舉輸家/贏家與情感極化之間的關係會受到治效能感的調節作用而產生異質性的影..

Previous research has pointed out significant differences between electoral losers and winners in terms of democratic satisfaction and political support. However, there has been scarce examination of whether there are significant differences in affective polarization between electoral losers and winners. This study argues that in fiercely competitive elections, electoral losers lack confidence in the winners and distrust that their needs will be addressed, deepening the divide between them and the winning camp, and leading to higher levels ..

印尼總統佐科威於2014年首次贏得總統大選後，在2019年再次勝選並 連任。有別於既有文獻以社群媒體、認同政治、經濟投票等因素來解釋佐 科威於2019年勝選連任的可能原因，本文利用縣市層級的資料，探討侍 從主義如何對於佐科威競選科威在該縣市獲得較多選票。綜言之，本研究的貢獻在於從侍從主義的角 度，對於佐科威2019年的選舉表現提出重要的補充觀點。連任的選舉表現造成影響。本文主張，在佐科 威執政前的恩庇侍從關係，主要強調社區與個別地方政治人物的角色；而 在佐科威執政期間，可觀察到政黨在侍從..

After first winning the presidential election in 2014, Indonesian President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) was reelected in 2019. Unlike existing literature that explains Jokowi’s 2019 victory through factors such as social media, identity politics, and economic voting, this article uses city/regency-level data to explore how clientelism impacts Jokowi’s electoral performance. It argues that prior to Jokowi’s administration, patron-client relationships primarily emphasized the roles of community and individual local politicians. Dur..