國家機關(the State)是否利用國家資源干預市場(the Market)、國家機關是否應選擇某些特定產業加以扶植(selective policy)?這些投入資源是否能被有效達成發展的目的?是政治經濟學界有關「新古典經濟學派」與 「發展型國家學派」爭辯的焦點。在東協國家中，同樣自 1970 年代發展汽車產業，為何泰國與馬來西亞的汽車產業發展出現差距?差距是否源自國家機關與產業政策互動的結果?本研究藉由探討馬來西亞與泰國汽車產業的發展歷程，試圖比較與論證..

Whether should the state interfere the market by using state resources? Should the state cultivate certain industries? Does the state resources work to help the state achieve developmental goals? These are the arguments between the ‘New Classical Economics School’ and the ‘National Development School’. Automobile industries in both Thailand and Malaysia developed in the 1970s with governmental interference but the development in the two countries diverged. Does the difference come from the interactions..

台灣與新加坡雖然一直被學者認為是發展國家的典型案例，然而兩者在 1990 年代之後卻邁向截然不同的轉型途徑;展現在國家介入市場的特徵上也大異其趣。雖然有關兩個發展國家的現況已有許多個別研究，然而透過比較的視角以探討兩地公私部門間的網絡鑲嵌結構的差異，在目前的研究文獻中仍然鮮少。本文透過制度論的分析架構，聚焦在兩者的政府介入企業層次的治理網絡，考察其結構的形成歷史與演變軌跡，透過量化的資料比較其異同，並探討兩種不同網絡結構可能會有的政經意涵。1990 年代以後..

Although Taiwan and Singapore have been considered as two successful cases of the developmental state model, their recent transformations demonstrate distinct and divergent paths. Recent studies have documented this transition from a macro perspective of the political-economic process, yet scholars have been relatively inattentive to the market governance network from a meso-organizational perspective. We believe that it will help us better understand the transforming nature of two developmental states by looking at the netwo..

2008 年 9 月，美國、玻利維亞及委內瑞拉三國爆發令周邊國家擔憂的嚴重外交衝突事件。這個緊張情勢雖然在三方決定自我克制的情況下，除了相互驅逐大使，情勢並未惡化，但三方何以採取如此克制的作為，是筆者欲在本文探討的議題。本文利用傑維斯(Robert Jervis)1976年書中所提出決策者的認知、對他國意向的解讀、敵意的高低等認知心理途徑的核心概念，檢視 2008 年美、玻、委三國外交衝突事件中，三方究竟本於何種的利益考量或計算，才做出相互克制以緩解衝突的決..

In September 2008, there was a serious diplomatic confrontation involving the United States, Bolivia, and Venezuela that alarmed other countries in the Western Hemisphere. The decision to exercise self-restraint on all sides meant that action was limited to the mutual expulsion of ambassadors and the crisis did not escalate. In this paper, the author studies why the three countries exercised such self-restraint. Robert Jervis’ core concepts of policymakers’ perceptions, the understanding of other countries’ ..

日本戰後形成的發展型國家體制被視為是1990 年代「失落十年」的元兇，日本政府因此採取了眾多政治與經濟上的構造改革。本文檢視日本發展型國家體制中兩個促成日本經濟成長的重要制度如何因改革而發生變化:一是力量強大的大藏省用來保護金融界的「護送船團」金融監理制度，二是傳統上金融界相互分擔分險、銀行和企業間特殊溝通管道而形成的「主要經辦銀行制度」。不少學者認為日本發展型國家已經轉型為英美式的監理型國家，但本文發現，雖然改革後的金融監理制度可說趨向監理型國家，「主要經..

The developmental state built after WWII has been blamed for Japan’s “lost decade” of the 1990s. The Japanese government takes a lot of structure reforms in politics and economics. This article examines how the two- important traditional structures of Japanese developmental state that were named as the engines of postwar economic successes were transformed by reforms. The first is so called “convoy system” financial regulation: the powerful ministry Okurasho with this system protected the financi..

1997 年 12 月聯合國氣候變化綱要公約的京都議定書問世以來，各國的履行狀況各異:有些國家選擇履行，有些國家選擇不履行;有些國家履行的步調迅速，有些國家履行的步調緩慢。本文運用關係締約途徑，從剩餘控制權利與全球環境治理結構、交易成本與全球環境治理結構調適等面向，分析影響各國履行的因素。 全球環境治理結構愈是偏向行動者剩餘控制權利懸殊的階層關係，各行動者所須付出的治理成本愈高，愈偏好傾向無政府關係的全球環境治理結構，以降低治理成本;另..

Due to the presence of states’ various implementing conditions of Kyoto Protocol since December 1997, this essay intends to analyze the factors through dimensions of rights of residual control, global environmental governance structure, transaction cost, and the adaptation of global environmental governance structure from relational contracting approaches. Actors tend to choose more anarchical relations of global environmental governance structure to decrease high governance costs resulted from hierarchical r..