現代日本保守主義歷來深受學術界的關注，尤其1990年代以後，日本政治社會往往被視為開始右傾化，因而出現許多從批判性角度分析日本保守主義的著作。然而，過去較少有從政治思想的角度切入之研究，故本文試圖彌補此空缺。保守主義是法國大革命以來構成現代政治思想的重要潮流，故為了理解現代日本的保守主義，政治思想的視角是不可或缺的。鑒於此，本文提出自由保守與國粹保守的分析框架，並從此角度對現代日本保守主義進行分析。自由保守是依據西方保守主義的思維，重視從「保守的」角度進行思..

The literature and academia have paid widespread attention to modern Japanese conservatism. Japan’s political society tends to be considered as leaning towards the right especially after the 1990s, resulting in many studies focusing on modern Japanese conservatism and criticizing its phenomenon. Past studies, however, did not often analyze the issue from the viewpoint of political thought, and therefore, this essay aims to fill such a gap. Conservatism has taken on an important role around the world, constitu..

本文旨在分析日本戰前藩閥與戰後自民黨派閥政治的關連，明瞭在歷史因素下政治寡頭者理念的傳承，且進一步影響現今政治的運作。以往有關派閥政治的研究，多數是以選區制度、權力均衡等觀點進行探討，然本文認為尚可由制度與歷史的因果關係，探究制度的動態與變遷、制度的柔軟性和限制性等要素說明。故本文取日本藩閥與派閥之例，認為兩者之間藉由近代政黨政治運作連結而起，對應政府體制轉變，成為民主政治理念的展現。本文發現近代日本藩閥政治與自民黨派閥的連續性上，存在有保守與改革派意識形態的對抗，藉由依賴路徑發展而來的..

This paper’s purpose is to analyze the relationship between the pre-war Hanbatsu politics and the post-war factional politics in Japan in order to understand the continued ideals of the political oligarchy and their effect on the operations of present politics. In terms of the studies on factional politics in Japan, most scholars use the viewpoints of the election system or the balance of power, etc. However, this paper tries to explore factional politics from the institutional and historical cause and effect viewpoint. To do so, this..

日本自約1990年代末期推動「平成大合併」，擬將約3200個市町村自治體整併為約1000個，以利區域廣域政策的推動，並減少地方自治體的行政營運費用。然而，自治體的存續為憲法所保障，尤其在民主時代，日本中央政府難以用強制的手段大規模進行市町村自治體的合併。因此，有些市町村在沒有行政區域合併的情況下，選擇用跨域治理的方式達成廣域治理的需要。 而為解決廣大區域的共同治理課題，實務上常以地方自治體間的「行政區域合併」或是跨域治理來因應大都市周邊..

Japan has promoted the Great Heisei Mergers since the late 1990’s. Under this program, the Japanese government planned to merge approximately 3200 villages, towns, and cities into roughly 1000; thereby facilitating the promotion of regional policies and reducing the administration and operation expenditures of local autonomous bodies. However, the existence of such bodies is guaranteed by the Constitution of Japan. Particularly in the current era of democracy, the central government of Japan has experienced difficulty i..

本文認為，「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權日本」(1931~1941)與「既有強權美國 vs. 崛起強權中國」(1993~2018)的比較，能為現今的美中關係提供許多建設性的思考。本文從既有強權的角度觀察其如何回應崛起強權;以Randall Schweller的歸納為基礎而建立一個相對完整的政策選擇全貌。作者發現:面對1931~1941年崛起的日本，美國先採「中立、綏靖」，後改採「制衡」，最終採「戰爭」。面對1993~2018年崛起的中國，美國以「交往」為基..

This paper argues that the comparative study of the two cases - the US dominant power vs. the Japan rising power (1931-1941) and the US dominant power vs. the China rising power (1993-2018) can provide ample constructive thinking on the contemporary US-China relations. This paper focuses on how a dominant power reacts to a rising power. An analytical framework of dominant powers’ policy options toward rising powers, based on Randall Schweller’s theories, is developed and applied to this study. This paper has found..

日本首相握有解散眾議院的權力，眾議院解散後必然伴隨著眾議院的改選，而眾議院的多數勢力得以組閣執政，掌握國家龐大的政治資源。取得政權是政黨的最優先戰略目標，因此首相會選擇有利的時機解散眾議院。 以往的研究指出，首相解散眾議院通常有先決條與最佳時機。但是，安倍首相於 2014 年 11 月宣布解散眾議院的狀況，不同以往，甚至安倍首相自身提出的以暫緩提升消費稅為解散的理由，對選民而言亦欠缺說服力。既然如此，安倍首相為何還是宣布解散眾議院?本文..

The Japanese prime minister is empowered to dissolve the House of Representatives, which sets a stage for a general election that enables the parliamentary majority to form a new cabinet. The prime minister will choose a favorable opportunity to dissolve the House of Representatives in order to retain the regime. Previous studies have indicated that there are certain conditions and optimal timing for the prime minister to disband the House of Representatives. However, the dissolution announced by Prime Minister Abe..