當前兩岸關係基本結構為「政治疏離、經濟融合」。因此，如何掌握經濟「影響」政治的力量，便成為前瞻兩岸未來的重要憑藉，另方面，如何利用或防範經濟左右政治的力量，則成為兩岸相互攻防的關鍵場域。故自胡錦濤主導對台政策後，即持續強化「寄希望於台灣人民」的各種所謂「惠台」措施，希望以此促進兩岸和平統一，但能否發揮其所期待的作用，迄今未見比較系統的評估，有鑒於此，本文根據近期民調資料，分別就一般民眾及目標社群進行觀察，分析其對中觀感與政治立場的變化，藉以蠡測此類「以經促統..

The confrontation across the Taiwan Strait has been extended from the Cold War years to the global era. Under the new circumstance, cross-Strait exchanges and contacts are not only close but also indispensible for both. And, such socioeconomic ties can be easily employed as instruments to achieve political goals. Motivated by the logic, after Hu Jintao being in charge, China has shifted its Taiwan policy from “more sticks” to “extra carrots.” The core elements of Hu’s economic statecraft are &ldq..

儘管阿弘認為自己的國際政治理論只適用於冷戰時期，但基於 20 世紀中葉以來日益強調不確定性的科學走向，並參照摩根索、瓦爾茲等人對科學概念的理解，今天似乎可以從三個知識論層級看出他的理論並沒有過時的問題:第一、在元理論層次，他以一系列的二律背反和特殊符碼，點明了許多不確定性的問題;第二、在元結構層次，他透過社會學與歷史學的方法論，將當事人與政治實體推出更嚴謹的二項式互動結構;第三、在實踐學層次，他對一系列外交行為提出二律背反的探索，從而不但超越了精確科學在確定..

It is with regards of the importance of the uncertainty for the current scientific philosophy that we want to interpret the theory of the international relations of the Cold War by Raymond Aron, using the comprehension which is concerned with the scientific conceptions of Mogenthau, Waltz, and others; and we want to verify not only that this theory keeps a sort of efficiency until today, but also that Aron has found some theories about the uncertainty on a higher level. We first want to show, in the field of metathe..

財政短缺常是政府選擇 PFI 的主要原因之一，PFI 可以幫助政府克服財政上的兩難:即在緊縮的財政情況下，仍能透過較高的私人資本支出增加公共投資。本文主要的目的即在檢驗具有豐富 PFI 經驗的英國，尤其是新工黨執政時，是否符合這項假設。此外，本文也試圖回答新工黨選擇 PFI 的理由、主要的作法及其如何面對黨內 PFI 的反對者，以貫徹其執行 PFI 的決心。研究發現保守黨政府採取 PFI，確實存在政府部門面臨的財經壓力，工黨政府並非在財政壓力下，為了控制公共..

Financial shortage is the main reason governments choose PFI. Literature on PFI almost always argues that they can solve the government financial dilemmas under extreme conditions of retrenchment through more private capital spending to boost public investment. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the British government under the New Labor matches the hypothesis. Moreover, this study tries to find out why and how PFI has been adopted and carried through by the New Labor in spite of oppositions within the party. We ..

民主化後金融體系受到執政黨與地方派系及內需財團的選舉結盟影響，使得特權貸款氾濫以及金檢無法落實，是本土金融風暴發生的重要背景之一，危機發生後的重建過程也同樣受到政治力的干預，拖延了重建法案的提出、通過與執行。金融重建包括處理問題金融機構與壞帳、強化銀行競爭力以及強化金融監理與公司治理。從台灣金融重建的經驗中得知，政府推動經濟改革的決心與能力受到了幾項政治因素的制約。首先是政黨與地方派系與內需財團之間的關係，兩者在政治獻金、選舉動員與政策優惠上的互賴，使得前後..

The political intervention in financial institutions after democratic transitions induces the prevalence of privileged loans and damages banking regulations. This is an important cause of the local financial crises between 1998 and 1999. The process of financial restructuring is also subject to political interference. The packages include liquidating financial institutions, privatizing public banks, and strengthening financial regulations and corporate governance. The experience of financial restructuring demonstrates that th..

戰後日本的政治安定與經濟成果，被譽為「日本第一」或「經濟奇蹟」，引發日本研究者的好奇心，而在觀察日本的政治過程中，政治人物與官僚的角色是主要的焦點。日本的學術界對於政治過程的主導者為誰，先後出現「官僚主導」與「政黨主導」的論爭，爾後又出現「政策類型」的論點，主張政治人物與官僚處於合作或競爭的狀態。本文主要目的是論述上述論點的主要內容，同時分析其成立的背景，最後提出解釋上的侷限性，期望有助於瞭解日本的政治決定過程。  

After World War ΙΙ, “Japan as No.1 (or ‘economical miracle’),” which signifies Japan’s political and economical achievements, always attracted researchers’ curiosity. As we know, politicians and bureaucrats play leading roles in Japanese political processes; consequently, the Japanese academia argued over the perspectives of “bureaucracy domination” and “party domination,” then the argument was switched to “policy domination,” which emphasizes t..