台灣與俄羅斯都是在第三波民主化浪潮時，從威權或極權政體走向民主政體的國家。然而，兩國的民主政治發展卻有截然不同的結果。本文的主要目的，乃是在探討 1995 年至 2005 年之間，台灣與俄羅斯在民主發展上的異同。首先，針對民主鞏固之概念作概括性的整理與解釋;其次，說明台灣與俄羅斯民主發展之過程;接著，以民主轉型與民主鞏固的模型，深入比較台灣與俄羅斯民主化進程之差異;最後，則進一步提出台灣邁向民主鞏固與俄羅斯發生民主崩潰的觀察。 &..

Both Taiwan and Russia became democracies during the period of Third Wave of Democratization. However, the results of democratization for each turned out to be completely different. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the similarities and dissimilarities of democratic developments during the period of 1995-2005. The concept of democratic consolidation and relevant ideas is clearly explained in the first section, also showing the process of Taiwan and Russia’s democratic developments. In addition, models of demo..

恐怖主義以國際化新面貌出現在東南亞地區已經形成對區域內國家安全的嚴重挑戰，同時也因為恐怖組織具有非國家行為者威脅區域安全的特性，其活動方式與範圍繁複，不僅僅以單純的暴力攻擊方式進行，另有以滲透、洗錢、非法入境、核生化原料販運，甚至進行網路攻擊等等，凸顯出恐怖主義與非傳統安全因素對區域安全的威脅大幅增高。而國際反恐的進行，衝擊區域內伊斯蘭世界的輿論動向，各國政府無不審慎因應。九一一恐怖攻擊之後恐怖主義及其相關安全威脅的嚴重性已經成為各國政府以及安全研究領域專家..

Over the past decade, terrorist activities in Southeast Asia have increasingly posed great threat upon regional security. By developing international networks, terrorist organizations can effectively launch operation across borders and deliver massive terror to societies concerned. Unlike traditional security threats to states, threats of terrorist organizations are characterized by its vast complexity and scope of activities. Not only do terrorists conduct violent attacks to communities targeted, but also carry out money lau..

1980 年代中期以來，包括台灣在內的部分亞洲、中東歐、中南美等國家紛紛進行民主轉型，並帶動新一波的憲法變遷。不過，在民主轉型的脈絡中，憲法究竟扮演何種角色，則一直未受到充分學術探討。本文旨在深究民主轉型與憲法變遷間的互動關係。 在研究方法上，本文歸納分析民主轉型國家的憲法變遷，提出四種主要的模式:轉型初期一次制憲、轉型初期一次大幅修憲、階段式制憲、多次漸進修憲。其次則從主權因素、政權更迭、憲政傳統以及國際干預的四個面向，探討民主轉型國..

Many countries in East and Central Europe, Central and South America, and Asia, including Taiwan, undertook democratic transitions amidst the 1980s, which triggered a new wave of constitutional change. The role of constitutional change in the context of democratic transitions, however, has not been explored and discussed fully by scholars in the field. This article aims at addressing this issue and focuses on the interactions between democratic transitions and constitutional change. In order to analyze constitution..

「自決」一詞，在民主政治的發展上，主要是指人民享有選擇自己政府與統治形式的權利。而自決運動，在多元面貌的發展之下，卻是變得極為複雜而難解。國際政治與國際法在不同時空背景之下，賦予自決不同的定義與權利。而20世紀90年代以後的自決運動實踐，已經遠遠超過60年代殖民地解放運動的範圍。造成此一急遽發展，歸因於蘇聯解體與冷戰時代的結束、國際政治大環境對人權原則的重視，以及近來開放民主與自由經濟理論的提倡等三大因素。雖然當前的國際法多不願意明白承認殖民地..

Self-determination is a concept in principle, by which the people having rights to form their own state or government. However, the movement of self-determination of the 20th century is becoming a very complicated issue with various definitions under international politics and laws. Since the 1990s, the practice of self-determination movement has far exceeded the legal framework, as originally considered for the  independence of post-war colonies in the 1960s. The increasing relevance and importance of the problem in secession are due ..

本文透過日本中國學東京學派始祖白鳥庫吉所創東洋史學，討論中國研究科學化的意義。白鳥力主以科學方法研究中國，進而掌握普遍法則，超越歐洲學界只能從西洋看中國的侷限。不過，白鳥的問題意識與他所反對的漢學傳統之間，仍未見各種聯繫，他的身世與師承出自漢學傳統，因此不能擺脫漢學議程上朱子學與反朱子學的互動脈絡; 白鳥也分享了同時代中國學者躍躍欲試想與西方競爭的氣氛，所研究的對象更是帝國活動的舞台所在，因此與國學派所思所辯輝映。無論問題意識的來源或從事知識活動的動機，科學與漢學都不是對立的。 ..

Shiratori Kurakichi's initiative to establish “Oriental historiography” was the first attempt to apply social science methods to China studies in Japan. He believed that Japan was in a better prepared posittion than its Western counterpart in their common pursuit of universal laws of behavior. This is because Japan understood both the West and China while the West was restricted by its own historical experiences when approaching China.  This paper connects Shiratori's scholarship to classic Sinology in late medi..