台海兩岸自 1949 年分裂至今，雙方的政策雖歷經不同階段的調整，但仍無法突破僵局。中共始終不放棄以武力方式解決台灣問題的可能性，堅持對台灣使用武力乃其處理國內事務之主權合法行使，不受國際法的限制。本文從國際法禁止使用武力原則的目的與相關實踐來看，此原則不僅針對國家，也對包括事實實體在內的其它國際法人適用。現階段台灣在國際法下的國家地位雖有些爭議，但不影響其作為一個受國際法規範與保障的事實實體。不過，在兩岸關係中，由於中共堅持台灣問題為中國內政，且國際社會對..

The stand-off across the Taiwan Strait has, since 1949, continued to divide the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (Taiwan). The PRC still insists that the Cross-Strait situation is an internal affair of China, and thus it upholds the position that using force against Taiwan is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty under international law. This article argues that, based on relevant practices, non-use of force as a principle under customary international law applies not only to States, but also to..

亞洲金融危機始自 1997 年 7 月泰銖的崩潰，以印尼、南韓、泰國、菲律賓及馬來西亞等 5 國受害最深，其他鄰國也紛紛遭受波及，各國根據所處主、客觀環境，採取不同的因應方法。泰國、印尼、南韓等國由於外匯短缺，只有聽任本國貨幣貶值，進行經濟上的對外調整，而其後遺症則為倚賴外債過深的企業連鎖倒閉，帶來金融機構逾期放款大幅增加，以及經濟成長率下滑、失業率上升等問題。新加坡、香港、日本、中國及台灣，整體而言受影響較小。自 1997 年亞洲爆發金融危機，迄 2006..

The Asian financial crisis started with the collapse of the Thai baht in July 1997. Indonesia, South Korea, Thailand, Philippines and Malaysia were the countries most affected by the crisis. The other neighboring countries were also hit by the slump. Those countries took different strategies to cope with their crises according to their own subjective and objective environment. Because of the shortage of foreign exchange reserves, Thailand, Indonesia and South Korea had to let local currencies devaluated substantially to adjus..

本文旨在探討台北縣選民在 2005 年縣長與鄉鎮市長兩個不同層級選舉中的一致與分裂投票行為。本研究的重點在強調:欲瞭解選民於不同層級選舉中的投票行為，不但要關注各個層級選舉影響因素的異同，更需考量到兩項公職同時選舉時可能產生的相互影響。因此在本文中，除概述台北縣選民在這兩種選舉中的一致與分裂投票情形之外，亦嘗試以隨機效用(random utility)理論，推演兼顧上述兩個特性的雙變數「聯立式機率單元模型」 (simultaneous equations p..

This article examines the first ever simultaneous local elections of county and township magistrates in Taiwan in December, 2005. We argue that in order to fully understand the voting choices in simultaneous inter-level elections scholars need to take account not only those factors affecting each level’s election but also the interactions between different levels. There are two competing theories concerning the flow of causal influences, i.e., the bottom-up mass mobilization hypothesis and the top-down coat-tail effect ..

近年來，深綠選民經常認為是陳水扁總統在個人危機，或是民進黨在選戰中的主要訴求對象，因而凸顯了深綠選民的重要性。本文主要的目的在於探討深綠選民應該如何測量及定義，以及他們是否真的是泛綠陣營選票的主要來源。作者根據台灣意識、台灣人政權以及政黨認同的概念，建構三個不同的指標，以測量及定義深綠選民。分析結果發現:以指標的表現而言，三個指標各有其優缺點，但在 TEDS2005M 的資料中，以台灣人政權指標的整體表現較佳。三個指標所定義的深綠選民，投票給泛綠候選人的比例..

Conventional wisdom holds that when President Chen Shui-bian faces personal crises, as well as in the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DDP) election campaigns, Chen and the party always appeal to the so-called “deep- green voters” for support, such that these voters factor prominently in determining election outcomes. The purpose of this paper is to define and measure deep-green voters, and also to examine whether the support of deep- green voters is vital for the pan-green parties. The author creates three i..

本文主要從日本政治經濟結構當中非正式制度的轉變來探討 1990 年之後日本經濟衰退的主要原因。在過去分析日本經濟衰退的原因大多是從國際層次與國內層次兩個面向來分析，在國際層次方面包括自由化的衝擊與日圓的急遽升值;在國內層次方面則包括政府主導模式的失調與規制緩和的調控，而這些面向主要焦點都集中在國際化與自由化的轉變對日本國內政經制度的衝擊，而忽略日本國內制度轉型的重要性。本文認為在過去這些文獻探討大多集中在日本正式制度的調整，而忽視非正式制度的存在與轉變。本文..

The goal of this paper is to explore the roots of Japanese economic recession in the 1990s from the transition of informal institutions in Japan. In the past, analysis of the Japanese economic recession in the 1990s was used to the aspect of international dimension and domestic dimension; focuses on the formal institutions such as political reform, fiscal reform, administrational reform, and financial reform, and neglected the changes of informal institutions. The argument of this paper bases on the fact that Japan has reform..