本文檢視 9 個在 2000 年至 2013 年與中華民國(以下簡稱臺灣)斷交的國家，以探討友邦與我斷交背後的中華人民共和國(以下稱中國)因素。本研究發現，對臺灣友邦來說，獲取來自中國在貿易、投資與金援的經濟考量，以及透過中國的支持提升其國際地位與穩固國內政權的政治考量，是影響友邦是否願意與臺灣延續外交關係的重要因素。大部分友邦在與臺灣斷交後，均能獲取大量來自中國的經濟與政治利益，即便是擁有長期穩固邦誼的友邦亦然。從友邦的角度來看，透過遊走於兩岸的外交競爭之中，讓臺灣與中國競租外交關係，能夠大幅提升其國家利益，因此道德與理想難以在極度現實的友邦爭奪戰中勝出。對臺灣而言，邦交國無法長期收買，只能短期租用，若維持邦交國數量仍是外交政策的重要目標，則臺灣恐需要更全盤地有彈性且客制化地制定出有效的經濟誘因，以提升與各國建交的可能性。
This paper investigates the underlying China factor that played out when nine countries ended diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (hereafter called ‘Taiwan’). Research shows acquiring economic benefits from China, in terms of trade, investment and foreign aid, securing China’s support for enhancing international status and consolidating domestic political power are important factors when an ally of Taiwan considers breaking ties. Most allies receive immediate and significant political and economic benefits from China, even those who have been allies of Taiwan for many years, as soon as they severe ties. They can greatly improve their national interests by capitalizing on the Taiwan-China diplomatic battle. Thus, Taiwan cannot win this fight by appealing to morals and ideals. Diplomatic allies are not for sale; Taiwan is only able to rent them for a while. If maintaining the number of diplomatic allies remains a priority for Taiwan, the government needs to come up with more comprehensive, flexible and customized economic incentives in order to(re-)establish diplomatic relationships with target countries.
1970 年代研究三角關係的專家塔圖(Michel Tatu)指出，美、中、蘇 「三者之一欲激起另兩方同謀之必然方式，為展現過度侵略性」。本文以塔圖之分析，探討 1979 年以來美臺軍事、政治與經貿關係之演變。由過去美、中、臺三角關係之互動，可以看出以下的特性:(1)中國對臺有過度侵略性的舉止，如 1996 年臺海危機，美國主動強化美臺軍事關係，增加美臺合作的空間;(2)在中國壓力下，國際組織有過度的舉止，如 2007 年聯合國秘書長潘基文謬誤解讀臺灣地位，..
Michel Tatu, an expert on US-China-USSR relations, observed in 1970 that “the surest way for any of the three to provoke the other two into collusion is to display undue aggressiveness.” This study analyses US- Taiwan relations in light of Tatu’s assumption. The interactions of US- Taiwan-China relations since 1979 are marked by the following features: (1)When China acts with undue aggressiveness against Taiwan – as for example in the 1996 missile crisis which prompted the US to dispatch two aircraft c..
本文的主要目的在瞭解台灣學者如何研究中國的多邊外交，研究成果展現了哪些特色，以及與國際學術界研究此一議題的連結。有關台灣學者研究成果收錄的範疇，則主要以2012年之後的著作為主。本文首先就中國官方及學術界，以及國際學術社群，針對中國多邊外交概念及理論架構的研究，以及政策與執行層面的分析，作一整理爬梳。接下來則探討台灣學者對中國多邊外交的總體性研究，作出了何種貢獻，其與國際關係中多邊外交分析傳統的關聯性如何。此外，本文也針對中國多邊外交的個案，探討台灣學者研究成果與國際學術界研究取向之異同..
The purposes of this study are to understand the approaches adopted by the Taiwanese scholars to research on China’s multilateral diplomacy, major characteristics of research results, and the linkages with the international academic society. The scope of analysis is limited to research publications after 2012. This paper first explores major theoretical concepts adopted by international and mainland Chinese academics on China’s multilateral diplomacy, followed by the analysis of research outputs on policy implementation and prac..
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