學界一般認為,冷戰結束後,隨著中國的快速崛起,包括越南在內的東亞小國對中國所採取的外交策略偏向「避險」或「接納」。文獻指出除了加強與中國的關係外,越南亦主動與各大國交好,並強調其要走著一個獨立、自主、多元且多方化的外交政策路線,此被視為越南對中國的「避險」策略。然而,本文認為有關越南對中國政策的分析較為單向,即大部分僅著重在越中關係本身的推拉力,而忽略了美國在其中的主動角色。 因此,無法說明越南對中政策近期的動態變化。本文的論點是,基於安全與國家利益的考量,越南自2014年至2019年間對中國的政策已經從「避險」轉向「軟制衡」。本文認為,這種改變由「懲罰性因素」及「激勵性因素」所驅動。懲罰性因素乃為中國自2014年之後所給越南帶來的壓力和威脅比此前更為明顯,表現在於中國在南海的強硬姿態、越南過度依賴中國經濟等,使得越南要在「抗衡」與「扈從」之間做出選擇,而難以繼續維持其過往模棱兩可的「避險」策略。激勵性因素所指的是美國因素,近年,為了圍堵和遏制中國的崛起,美國不斷地拉攏中國周邊國家,其中越南成為美國戰略佈局中的重點國家之一。而另一方面,越美兩國之間存在諸多戰略利益上的交匯,使得越南更願意接受美國的示好。進一步靠攏華盛頓可以使得河內擁有更多的籌碼來應對北京。不過,越南的抗衡舉動尚處於較為「低調且軟性」的程度,故本文稱之為「軟制衡」。
The conventional wisdom assumes that East Asian countries have been adopting “hedging” or “accommodating” strategy toward China since the end of the Cold War. By putting forward an “independent, diversified and multidirectional foreign policy,” Vietnam has attempted to strengthen relations with a number of major powers, including China. As a result, Hanoi is regarded as a typical “hedger” towards Beijing. This paper, on the contrary, argues that the relating analyses on Vietnam’s China policy are somewhat one- sided, i.e. primarily focusing on the Vietnam-China relations themselves, but neglecting the initiative role of the United States. Consequently, they cannot demonstrate some recent dynamic changes in Vietnam’s China policy. This paper contends that Vietnam’s China policy gradually shifted from hedging to soft balancing from 2014 to 2019 given considerations for its security and national interests. This change is largely prompted by both “punitive factor” and “incentive factor”. The former is defined as the obvious pressure and threats posed by China since 2014, which includes China’s unyielding stance in the South China Sea, Vietnam’s excessive dependence on China’s economy, etc. Vietnam is, thus, forced to choose either balancing or bandwagoning in the continuum instead of its ambivalent hedging strategy. On the other hand, the incentive factor refers to the United States’ inducing Vietnam into its quasi coalition targeting at containing China’s rise due to Vietnam’s growing role in its strategic layout. At the same time, Vietnam has become more willing to embrace the America’s inducements given the increasingly converging strategic interests between the two countries. Moving closer to Washington gives Hanoi more bargaining chips to handle with Beijing. Yet, such balancing act of Vietnam is still in low profile, which can be addressed as “soft balancing”.
本文探討台灣國際政治經濟學領域自2010年至2021年之間的發展情況。針對國內的TSSCI期刊、科技部計畫、學位論文和專書之中與國際政治經濟學相關研究者進行資料蒐集,並藉由描述性統計方法呈現研究議題與研究方法的分布情況。除此之外,本文亦比較國內國際政治經濟學研究成果與美國國際政治經濟學會年會文章在研究議題與研究方法上的差異。本研究分析顯示,國內國際政治經濟學研究與美國國際政治經濟學會年會文章同樣關注議題為國際貿易、國際貨幣與金融和經濟投資與援助。然而相較之下,國內研究較缺乏人口遷徙、全球..
This paper attempts to provide an overview of Taiwan's International Political Economy (IPE) studies from 2010-2021. We collect the data from Taiwanese academic materials, including Taiwan Social Sciences Citation Index (TSSCI) journals, Ministry of Science and Technology projects, theses and dissertations, and scholarly books. We rely on descriptive statistics analysis to present the distribution of research subjects and methods in each academic material. In addition, we also compare the analytical results of Taiwanese IPE studies with..
在台越南移民依其母國來源地區,有著明顯的「北移工、南新娘」遷移特徵。1986年底,越南決議採行革新政策,國家從社會主義體制轉向資本主義市場化過渡,國有和集體的所有權與生產模式股份化,自此結合私有與國外資本的多種資本組合形式成為經濟發展的主要動力。在勞動輸出政策上,國家透過《越南契約勞動者出國工作法》確立勞動輸出企業私有和外國資本的財產權,以及勞動輸出的契約形式,這也是資本主義市場經濟運作的重要精神,越南以此融入全球資本主義和國際勞動市場。也因為河內自1955年起即為政治中心,多數國營企業..
Vietnamese immigrants have obvious migration characteristics of “migrant workers from the north and marriage migrants from the south” according to their home countries in Taiwan. At the end of 1986, Vietnam adopted a Renovation Policy (Doi Moi), the country transitioned from a socialist regime to a capitalist marketization, and the shareholding of state ownership led to fundamental changes in the collective production model. Since then, various forms of capital combination combining private and foreign capital have become the ma..
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