拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型，在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷，本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎，運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示，在其他條件不變的情況下，一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡，則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言，本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹的實證分析驗證了跨國人權非政府組織與民主轉型的理論關係，為拉美民主化文獻提出更細膩的補充觀點，同時有助於吾人從不同角度深入理解新興民主國家的政治發展過程。
The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of transnational human rights NGOs network density in an authoritarian regime is associated with a higher likelihood of democratic transition. Overall, this study contributes to the literature of Latin American democratization by providing more nuanced insights and empirical evidence about the relationship between transnational human rights NGOs and democratic transition. Moreover, this study also facilitates a better understanding of political development in new democracies.
1980 年代中期以來，包括台灣在內的部分亞洲、中東歐、中南美等國家紛紛進行民主轉型，並帶動新一波的憲法變遷。不過，在民主轉型的脈絡中，憲法究竟扮演何種角色，則一直未受到充分學術探討。本文旨在深究民主轉型與憲法變遷間的互動關係。 在研究方法上，本文歸納分析民主轉型國家的憲法變遷，提出四種主要的模式:轉型初期一次制憲、轉型初期一次大幅修憲、階段式制憲、多次漸進修憲。其次則從主權因素、政權更迭、憲政傳統以及國際干預的四個面向，探討民主轉型國..
Many countries in East and Central Europe, Central and South America, and Asia, including Taiwan, undertook democratic transitions amidst the 1980s, which triggered a new wave of constitutional change. The role of constitutional change in the context of democratic transitions, however, has not been explored and discussed fully by scholars in the field. This article aims at addressing this issue and focuses on the interactions between democratic transitions and constitutional change. In order to analyze constitution..
東南亞國家協會(東協)於 2009 年成立東協政府間人權委員會，一反其 40 年來對聯合國倡議成立區域人權機制之漠視。究竟東協為何成立區域人權機構?現有的文獻已從理性論和觀念論兩種研究途徑探討過，但其解釋 力各有不足。本文仍從理性論的觀點出發，但不同於文獻所強調的東協集體理性，本文強調個別會員國的理性，因為以往文獻在分析層次的選擇上採取了較宏觀的視角，但結果卻是無法完全解釋東權會的成立。本文仍採用理性論的研究途徑，但補充以較微觀的視角，主張東協成立東權會是東..
The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR)was created in 2009 by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN), a move contrary to its ignoring of the United Nations’ forty-year advocacy. Why did ASEAN member states create the AICHR? A review of the literature found two types of arguments: rationalist and ideationalist, but neither of them is satisfactory enough to explain why the AICHR was created. This article adopts a rationalist perspective with the emphasis on ASEAN member states’ indi..
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