作為德國歷史上的第一個民主政體─威瑪共和從誕生開始就是一個「生病的民主」,也是一個「沒有民主人的民主」。威瑪憲法的制定者除了架構起所謂的「程序性民主」之外,同時更在議會制的基礎上賦予民選的總統強大的權力─半總統制,加上欠缺民主文化,以及存在著反體制的政黨,致令威瑪憲法像是特洛伊木馬。最後在議會政治失敗的亂局中,希特勒(Adolf Hitler)率領納粹黨徒從木馬中一躍而出,用原本是保護民主的權力將民主政體合法地謀殺掉。
二戰後的聯邦德國痛定思痛,記取威瑪共和失敗的經驗,雙管齊下,重建民主。其除了在基本法中採用議會制的憲政體制和建設性不信任投票的機制外,更增列對違反民主原則或意圖推翻民主憲政體制的政黨之處罰規定,建立起所謂的「防禦性民主」。另外,大規模的政治文化改造運動,民主文化被有計畫地塑造,加上戰後聯邦德國的經濟持續繁榮,產生了大量的中產階級,除了有利於民主文化的出現,也導致政黨體系集中化與穩定化。在制度輸出面「產出效果」(output effect)的有利基礎上,再進一步創造「制度效果」(system effect),終於成就了聯邦德國民主化的成功。
As the first democracy in German history, the Weimar Republic was “a sick democracy”, and “a democracy without democrats” ever since it was born. The composers of the Weimar Constitution not only constructed a so-called “procedural democracy”, but also gave the extreme power to the people-elected president – semi-presidentialism – based on the foundation of parliamentary system. Furthermore, accompanied with a political climate that lacked democratic culture and existing parties that were essentially against the system, the Weimar Constitution failed to assume its power to protect the democracy, and eventually it became a Trojan horse by which Adolf Hitler utilized to legally murder democracy during the parliamentary chaos.
After WWII, Federal Germany learned from the lesson of failure from the Weimar Republic and tried to reconstruct democracy by two measures: adopting the constitutional system of parliamentarism under the basic law and the mechanism of constructive vote of non-confidence, and implementing punitive rules to regulate any parties that violate the democratic principles or have the intention to overturn the democratic constitutional system – the so-called “defensive democracy.” Moreover, large-scale political culture reforms and the emergence of a large middle class resulted from continuous economic prosperity of the post-war Federal Germany not only benefited the rising of democratic culture, but also concentrated and stabilized party systems. The fact of further creation of the “system effect” based on favorable systematic “output effect” had thus achieved the success of Federal Germany’s democratization.
本文基於一國憲政體制類型會影響政府在COVID-19疫情時運作的方式,嘗試探討台灣半總統制政府如何回應疫情。研究焦點放在中央政府層次,探討總統、行政院院長、疫情指揮中心(指揮官)以及國會等部門的運作,並考量一致性政府和總統兼黨主席等因素的影響。研究發現,在總統權力優勢的半總統制下,蔡英文總統在處理疫情上的角色是多重的,藉由總統和黨主席雙重身份,她既是主要政策決定者,也同時介入政策執行的督導和措施的指示。相對而言,行政院院長暨其領導的相關部會仍是因應疫情的行政主體,不過因疫情指揮中心和指揮..
Based on the fact that the type of government system will affect the way the government operates during the COVID-19 epidemic, this article attempts to explore how Taiwan’s semi-presidential government handled the epidemic. The focus of the study is on the central government level, exploring the operations of the president, the president of the Executive Yuan, the epidemic command center (commander), and Congress, and considering the impact of factors such as unified government and the fact that the president is the chairman of a poli..
半總統制是新興民主國家廣為採用的政府制度類型,而現有關於半總統制的研究不論是著重憲法規範或實證行為面向,對於總統常態性的政策權限設計和相關的決策機關配置的系統性探討較為欠缺。本文試圖藉由包括臺灣在內共 21 個半總統制民主國家憲法設計的探索,讓半總統制的研究和理論能觸及總統常態性的治理課題,是半總統制研究中的新嘗試。本文焦點在於系統性解析多個國家憲法中總統的政策權與決策機關之設計模式,並進一步探討其與半總統制憲法上的次類型和實際的運作類型之關係。藉由多國案例..
Semi-presidentialism has been a popular form of government in emerging democracies. However, systematic analyses on the presidents’ powers in policy-making or on the related mechanisms of their decision- making process have been scarce. To fill in the gap in the field, this article surveys the experiences of 21 democratic countries. With a focus on constitutional design of president’s powers in policy and decision-making mechanisms, this article also tries to discover their relationship with sub- types of semi-pre..
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