The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS III) might be the largest and longest international law codification conference thus far. Some scholars attribute the success of this conference to the “package deal” or “great power politics.” This paper adopts the view of constructivism and cites relevant discussions in the field of sociology and replaces Wendt’s “shared ideas” with “meaning framework” for proposing a new analysis framework with operational indicators for international conference decision making. In this analysis structure, the meaning framework and the actor’s behavior are mutually causal in a dynamic construction relationship, while the “shared expectations” are the intermediary of the two. If the shared expectations are met, the two will tend to be stable; if not, they will encounter adjustments. Using the official documents of the “1930 Conference on the Progressive Codification of International Law” to the “1982 Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea,” this article summarizes some observable indicators, such as state claims, text content, rules of procedure, and proposal distinctions, and argues that if the content of the proposal can match current meaning framework produced by state claims and documental textcontent, while also matches the rules of procedure to limited proposals, then the possibility of decision making at international conferences can rise.
氣候變遷改變了全球氣候,也改變了北極。北極受全球暖化影響快速冰融,改變了區域內外的國際關係。中日韓三國為爭取未來可能浮現的北極航運利益,以及北極豐富的石油、天然氣等自然資源,紛紛設法進入此一區域。三國同時採取多邊和雙邊外交,意圖強化在北極的影響力。目前為止,三國的北極政策各自為政,甚至相互競爭,很容易產生利益衝突;北極重要的戰略地位,也易引起軍事緊張。事實上,三國在北極有共同的利益,這些共同利益有可能促成三國間的合作。  ..
Climate change has changed the Arctic. The Arctic ice is melting rapidly as the result of global warming. It changed the international relationships of the region and beyond. To compete for emerging Arctic shipping routes and abundant oil, natural gas and other natural resources, China, Japan and South Korea have managed to get involved in this area. The three countries are taking multilateral and bilateral diplomatic approaches simultaneously to strengthen their influence in the Arctic. So far, the three countries are acting..
橫亙百餘年之久的俄屬遠東黃禍論已是某種或然性規律,不僅未因世局變遷而消弭,今日更成為俄羅斯與中國之間的兩難困境與潛在負面變數。本文擬由身分政治角度切入,解構促使黃禍論於冷戰後復萌之無形雙重觀念結構-俄中關係與俄國內部互動。除藉以揭示黃禍論的深層蘊含外,亦對其進行中長期預測,希冀藉由建構主義就黃禍論的釋疑,推導「跨層次/情境習得轉化」論點,讓國際政治與國內政治雙向互動的研究不再僅是某種未落實的隱喻,從而為建構主義中層理論增添新的實徵案例,並作為層次分析學理的補..
Yellow Peril in the Russian Far East, spanning more than one hundred years, has already become a probabilistic law. It does not fade with time, and has already been the dilemma and the potential negative variable between Russia and China. The thesis attempts to analyze Yellow Peril from a perspective of identity politics, and to deconstruct Russo-Chinese relationships and Russia’s domestic interaction, because the dual intangible idea structures awakened contemporary Yellow Peril after the Cold War. Such an approach not..
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