受到中央集權歷史傳統之影響,法國地方建制乃是以「鞏固行政權」或 「代行行政權」為特色;即使歷經了兩波「去中央集權化」,法國的行政權優勢性依然扮演重要角色,且造成中央集權與「地方分權」並進之現象。在進入第五共和時期後,「強行政、弱立法」的制度特徵,以及隨著修憲而逐步建立的「體制大總統化」,更確認了法國總統在行政權運作當中的核心定位,並使「優勢行政權」成為論述法國政治發展的重點。
從憲政研究的角度來看,論者經常是以「總統化」闡述法國憲政運作當中有關總理對政策的主導性低,或者國會無力制衡等問題;然而,若回到中央集權與優勢行政權的關連,則法國中央地方關係的治理架構,在中央集權與地方分權並進下,卻呈現更為複雜之樣態,並牽動優勢行政權的展現。另外,由於法國國會議員普遍兼任地方職的身分,使得探討憲政運作中的行政權優勢時同樣無法忽略國會議員與地方團體之連結,更顯示出中央地方關係理應成為探究法國憲政運作的重要面向。職此,本文將說明,法國一方面受到中央集權的歷史背景以及第五共和憲政運作之影響,使法國總統成為政治集權的重要象徵;另一方面,正是基於優勢行政權的政治發展特徵,導致法國地方行政首長與中央政府的政治角力,而國會議員兼任地方職等因素,也連帶牽動了行政權運作,和行政、立法互動關係。
This paper reinvestigates dominant executive power in France. Due to France’s historical background as a highly centralized state, local governments play a role in “consolidating” or “acting for” executive power. Even though France has encountered two waves of reforms of decentralization, executive power is still more dominant than legislative power, a characteristic of the Fifth Republic. Nevertheless, amendments to the constitution have placed the President at the center of the operations of executive power, which results in a highly “presidentialized” semi- presidential regime. Therefore, the phenomenon of executive dominance is crucial for discussions of political development in France. In reference to constitutional operations in France, most literature on constitutional research has stated the problems in Prime Minister’s role in policy-making process or Parliament’s inability to supervise executive power from the perspective of “presidentialization.” However, concerning the relation between power centralization and executive dominance, connection between legislators (many of whom held local position)and local autonomous groups, the central-local administrative structure show greater complexity in influencing dominant executive power.. Thus, the central-local relationship is a vital issue in discussing constitutional operations in France.
This paper argues that dominant executive power in France has two features. On one hand, the President is the head of both the central government and local affairs due to France’s history. On the other hand, political struggles between local executive heads and the central government as well as members of Parliament who held local positions also influence executive power and executive-legislative interactions from the bottom.
過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中,認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素,在 2012 年的總統選舉中,認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素,是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點,討論臺灣認同的階段,提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立,到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭,而在兩岸恢復交流後,因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國),進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段,臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..
Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..
半總統制是新興民主國家廣為採用的政府制度類型,而現有關於半總統制的研究不論是著重憲法規範或實證行為面向,對於總統常態性的政策權限設計和相關的決策機關配置的系統性探討較為欠缺。本文試圖藉由包括臺灣在內共 21 個半總統制民主國家憲法設計的探索,讓半總統制的研究和理論能觸及總統常態性的治理課題,是半總統制研究中的新嘗試。本文焦點在於系統性解析多個國家憲法中總統的政策權與決策機關之設計模式,並進一步探討其與半總統制憲法上的次類型和實際的運作類型之關係。藉由多國案例..
Semi-presidentialism has been a popular form of government in emerging democracies. However, systematic analyses on the presidents’ powers in policy-making or on the related mechanisms of their decision- making process have been scarce. To fill in the gap in the field, this article surveys the experiences of 21 democratic countries. With a focus on constitutional design of president’s powers in policy and decision-making mechanisms, this article also tries to discover their relationship with sub- types of semi-pre..
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