在美國歷史上所簽訂的 14 項 FTA 中，NAFTA 與 CAFTA-DR 最能展現總統與國會在 FTA 政策制訂上所扮演角色與影響決策的程度，故本文以此兩項 FTA 作為研究美國 FTA 決策主體的案例。研究發現，在對外政策的決策主體的三種不同的模式:總統主導模式、國會主導模式與互動模式中，總統模式最能解釋美國 FTA 政策。總統具有龐大的國內外行政資源與政黨力量，可以干預國會的決策並改變個別議員的投票傾向，在不影響 FTA 基本內涵與目的下促使國會通過..

Among all 14 FTA’s signed by the U.S. in history, NAFTA and CAFTA-DR - selected by this paper as cases to identify the entity that owns the power of dominating the U.S. FTA policy - most represent the dynamics and impacts of President and Congress on the FTA policy formation. The research shows that among the three models of decision-making entities of foreign policy - President, Congress, and Interaction, the President model best explains the decision-making of FTA policies. President controls enormous external and int..

後物質主義與女性主義價值兩者之間的關係，在相關研究中存在兩種對立的觀點:一種觀點認為後物質主義與女性主義兩種價值，本質上存在相近性，發展上則有一致性，兩者追求非物質性的價值，同樣是後現代價值體系變遷的一部份，產生於新社會運動相似的背景，同樣代表新政治分歧的價值;再者，兩者的發展步調一致，同樣建立在社會經濟心理安全感的基礎上，社會經濟條件越發達或是後工業化的國家，女性主義以及後物質主義的價值傾向越普遍。另一種觀點則認為後物質主義與女性主義的發展並非相近的價值，..

This study focuses on the varied and complicated relationship between postmaterialism and feminism, and examines two contradicted hypotheses regarding their relationship. Hypothesis one assumes both sets of value sprung simultaneously from very similar origins and contain similar value components, under the rubic of new social movement and new political cleavage. Therefore, they are closed related to each other, for those postindustrial countries which support feminism tend to adopt postmaterialism values as well. To the oppo..