國際關係理論是與現實的國際政治高度聯結的，此一現象在當今表現地極為明顯。美國與中國的戰略競爭召喚著能夠掌握與回應現況的國關理論，其中尤以「權力轉移」和「歷史與國關」兩類文獻最具有解釋力與發展性。本文從權力轉移理論的核心論點與適用的範圍條件切入，接著聚焦於此一理論的兩個關鍵變項：權力差距與挑戰者對現狀的滿意程度，並延伸到戰爭的爆發條件與對理論的挑戰，最後是討論崛起國與支配性強權的新興理論框架。在這一部份又分為三個部分：崛起國對支配性強權的策略選擇、支配型強權對於崛起國的策略選擇，和崛起國與..

International relations theories are always closely connected to real world international politics. This connection between theory and reality is particularly pronounced in today’s world. The strategic competition between the US and the PRC stimulates IR theories that can grasp and respond to the international reality. Among those the “Power Transition Theory” and “History and IR approach” are of the greatest explanatory potential. This paper begins with the core arguments and applications of the power transiti..

半總統制的聯合內閣如何形成？半總統制下的總統如何影響內閣的組 成和運作？聯合內閣不同的運作模式如何影響聯合內閣的存續？是本文主 要的研究問題。本文的結論如下：第一、中東歐多數的半總統制國家之總 統是屬於無黨籍總統，憲法規定當選之後必須退出政黨運作。然而這些無 黨籍總統並沒有退居二線或是扮演超然中立的角色，依然會運作其憲法上 的權威主導或是介入內閣的運作。特別是當國會沒有任何一個政黨控制過 半數時，總統可以主導選擇結盟的政黨對象，藉由組合多數..

The main research questions addressed in this paper are: How does a coalition cabinet form in a semi-presidential system, in what ways does the president influence its formation and operation, and how do different modes of coalition governance affect cabinet durability? The conclusions are as follows: Firstly, in many semi-presidential countries in Eastern Europe, the president is a non-partisan f igure constitutionally required to withdraw from partisan politics after election. However, these non-partisan presidents..