為什麼北韓與古巴的統治者可以經歷二十世紀末期的民主化與所謂「第三波民主」(Third Wave Democracy)的浪潮，化解內外壓力，屹立不搖?北韓與古巴的統治體系與制度運作有何特質，讓這兩國的統治者可以牢牢地鞏固政權，而且延續家族的統治?北韓與古巴未來的政治轉型有哪些變數或面向值得注意?為探討這些問題，本文檢視若干政體分類的要點與問題，以及「顏色革命」、「茉莉花革命」的論述，採用文獻探討與訪談法，比較北韓與古巴的政治領袖與領導階層、黨國體系、意識形態、..

Why have North Korea and Cuba been able to resist pressure posed by democratization at the end of the twentieth century and the Third Wave Democracy? What are the systemic and institutional characteristics of the North Korean and Cuban ruling structures? How have the systems consolidated political power for the ruling families and the ruling class? The author explores the aforementioned questions via documentary analyses and interviews. The author highlights similarities and differences between the two non-democratic and hybr..

本文利用追蹤資料向量自我迴歸模型，檢證 2003~2012 年中美外援非洲的動機與成效。結果顯示，大國外援有相同之處:兩者外援目的，都不是基於國際道義考量，但大國外援也存在差異的地方:中國外援以現實利益為主，目的為確保其企業海外投資安全。美國外援則不局限在經濟利益而已，更加側重非傳統安全領域;換言之，美援強調的是綜合利益。中美兩國外援模式差異，肇因於彼此政府對自身所處國際體系地位的認知不同。  

In this paper, we used the panel data vector autoregression model (PVAR) to test motivation and effectiveness of the U.S. and China’s foreign aid (FA) in Africa. Empirical results show similarities in the great power’s foreign aid: the purpose of both great power’s FA is not based on international moral considerations. However there are also major differences between these two great power’s FA. Chinese FA is based on real interests and mainly aims to ensure safety of its outward foreign dire..