拉丁美洲許多國家在第三波民主化浪潮中歷經政體轉型，在比較政治學界中為一重要的研究課題。有別於既有文獻從總體層次、或是國際層次的因素來探討政體變遷，本論文主張跨國人權非政府組織網絡對於民主轉型具有重要的促進效果。本研究以拉丁美洲18個威權體制(1969∼1995) 的資料為基礎，運用量化方法對於上述主張進行系統性的驗證。本研究的實證分析顯示，在其他條件不變的情況下，一個威權國家若有愈密集的跨國人權非政府組織動員網絡，則該國愈有可能歷經民主轉型。綜合而言，本論文的創新之處在於透過嚴謹..

The regime change of many Latin American countries under the Third Wave of democratization has been a crucial topic in the field of comparative politics. Unlike previous literature that examines how democratic transition is shaped by macro-level or international-level factors, this study argues that transnational human rights NGOs networks play a significant factor in promoting democratic transition. Using data of 18 authoritarian regimes in Latin America between 1969 and 1995, the quantitative analysis demonstrates that a higher level of t..

美中貿易戰宣告了兩國在國際政治的競爭局勢正式展開，2019年後的疫情更形加劇了兩國彼此的競爭關係。然而，美中對立下新冷戰的政治兩極化一定會造成國際貿易關係的兩極化嗎？世界各國真的會各自歸隊，在美國與中國之間擇一而處，形成兩極對立的局勢嗎？還是口頭上與行為上有差異，仍然依照國家自身的利益分別和美國和中國進行實質上的往來。本文即探討這個問題，比較疫情前後，國際貿易局勢的變化到底是趨向兩極化還是非兩極化。本文認為，新冷戰的局勢下，美中對立造成的政治兩極化無法避免，但政治兩極化不等於貿易關係兩極..

The U.S.-China trade war indicates a confrontation between the U.S. and China, and the pandemic problem since 2019 deteriorates the confrontation. However, will political polarization due to the new cold war between the U.S. and China lead to economic polarization? Do countries in the whole world choose their own sides between the U.S. and China, establishing two blocs and competing? Or countries in the whole world behave inconsistently in terms of verbal promises and practical actions. National interest is still their benchmark to have sub..