法國第五共和體制向為半總統制的主要原型典範,並為穩定半總統制的代表,但法國各界對此一制度設計一直有著許多爭論與修改意見。2007 年法國總統大選前,各主要政黨候選人紛紛提出「第六共和」(la VIe République)的憲政倡議。法國新任總統薩科奇(Nicolas Sarkozy)於 2008 年進行自 1958 年第五共和以來最大規模的一次修憲。修憲主要方向同時強化總統與國會的權力,在總統權力部分修憲後強化總統的國會咨文權,形同間接賦予總統的行政優勢地位,彰顯總統為國家大政決定者的憲政負責角色,加之 2000 年後總統選舉時程改變形成多數執政的政治事實,已然增加鞏固總統的憲政角色與強化總統政治權力。
法國藉由調整總統選舉時程與任期以解決總統多數與國會多數不一致 (incongruence)的半總統制典型制度困境,促使總統在憲政地位上有著實質的轉變。首先,總統任期縮短與國會一致並採「先總統、後國會」的蜜月期(honeymoon election)選舉時程改革,產生總統與國會多數一致的衣尾效應(coattail effect),縮減了共治機會的產生,並增加鞏固總統的憲政角色與強化總統權力。再者,2007 年國會選舉結果也呈現了法國總統多數聯盟取得絕對優勢,左右兩大黨在國會席次上取得壓倒性不對稱的席次分配 (disproportionality),小黨勢力迅速衰退,兩大黨政治生態的逐漸鞏固化,這些因素都促使法國政治體系朝向「體制大總統化」的傾斜演化方向。
The French Fifth Republic (la Ve République) is not only the prototype of semi-presidentialism but also the typical model of “stable semi- presidentialism,” of which the French political circle and academia have never stopped their criticism over the design of the French Fifth Republic and have consistently expressed their opinions of modification. Even before the 2007 French presidential election, most of the major parties simultaneously advocated a new constitutional engineering plans of “la VIe République” (the Sixth Republic)to modify the French Fifth Republic essentially. In 2008, newly-elected president Nicolas Sarkozy launched constitutional adjustment on a large scale to increase the powers of president and parliament simultaneously. In the part of presidential power, the enhancement of the power of State of the Union Address of president endows indirectly the president more administrative preeminence.
To resolve the major problems of incongruence and cohabitation - the Achille’s heel of semi-presidentialism, France has adjusted the election schedule in 2000. The consistency between the presidential term and the parliamentary term as well as the honeymoon election schedule reform of presidential election first and then parliamentary election have generated the coattail effect and increased the possibility of consistency of the presidential majority and parliamentary majority. These outcomes resulted in a sharp shrinkage of cohabitation opportunity, and in turns strengthened the presidential power. Furthermore, the result of parliamentary election in 2007 also revealed the rapid declination of the radical parties and the development of two major parties system. All these factors attribute to the future development of présidentialisme.
法國與臺灣的政府體制都屬於半總統制,法國的憲政經驗中曾出現過三次的「左右共治」,臺灣的憲政經驗中卻從未出現過「藍綠共治」,何以如此?這是本文欲探討的課題。本文藉助賽局理論作為分析工具,探討制度安排如何影響行動者間的策略互動,以致最後產生了共治與否的差異。法國與臺灣擁有不同的選舉制度和不同的國會保障機制,在兩種制度因素的交互作用下,會引導分屬不同政黨陣營的總統和國會多數產生不同的政治計算與策略互動,最終導致法國出現「左右共治」,臺灣卻沒有出現「藍綠共治」。 ..
Both France and Taiwan’s political systems are semi-presidential. However, “cohabitation” in French constitutional experience has occurred three times while Taiwan has never seen “cohabitation” until now. Finding the reason for this difference is the central question of this paper. By using the game theory as an analysis tool, the paper explores how the institutional design influences the actors’ strategic interactions, which underlies the discrepancy between France and Taiwan in “coh..
受到越來越多新興民主國家制訂半總統制憲法的影響,對於半總統制的相關研究也越來越受到重視。依照學界對半總統制的定義,威瑪共和與芬蘭都在 1919 年設計出符合半總統制內涵的憲法,可說是當代最早的兩個半總統制的個案。這兩個國家的憲政運作卻有完全相反的結果:威瑪在 1933 年崩潰,而芬蘭先是渡過經濟危機,更在 80 年代逐漸往議會制轉型。本文擬就制度與非制度因素的互動,討論這兩個個案運作的迥異結果。本文將從憲法理論做比較的出發點,分析兩種不同理論基礎的半總統制憲..
As democratization spread in Eastern and Central Europe over the last two decades, Semi-Presidentialism has become a concept with more attention paid when discussing constitutional issues. By definition, the Weimar Republic and Finland were two of the initial experiments of semi- presidentialism. However, the constitutional practices in the Weimar Republic and Finland are worlds apart. Both semi-presidential, the Weimar Republic had broken down but Finland became a quasi-parliamentary democracy. This paper intends on discussi..
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