由於先天即存在應然與實然的落差，加上後天多元研究取向所導致立論之分歧，使得半總統制常有評價之爭議。因此，論者在研究中除了應正確認識半總統制的理論內涵，亦需謹慎進行案例的比較或應用，始能產生更精確、細緻的研究成果。本文出於這樣的關懷，將從理論層面出發，透過相關文獻檢閱與不同研究方法之回顧，重新發現半總統制的分析焦點及不同運作類型之內涵及變遷方向。再者，本文也將進行半總統制案例的初步檢驗，以確認半總統制國家實際運作的不同樣態與其中原因。
Since Maurice Duverger proposed the concept of semi-presidentialism in 1980, disputes have increasingly been raised among researchers. Given the gap between norms and operations of semi-presidentialism, as well as the complexities among the relationships of president, prime minister, and congress in the operations of semi-presidential countries, this paper develops a theory-driven comparative framework of this concept. Through re- examining the definitions of semi-presidentialism and the methodology of analyzing its operational types, this paper also discovers the intention and trend among them and explores the independent variables of semi- presidentialism operations to explain the operational types and their transitions. By classifying semi-presidential countries according to their patterns of operational types, this paper not only provides researchers with a more effective model to explain or predict semi-presidentialism operations in different countries, but also assists in solving constitutional problems more effectively.
法國與臺灣的政府體制都屬於半總統制，法國的憲政經驗中曾出現過三次的「左右共治」，臺灣的憲政經驗中卻從未出現過「藍綠共治」，何以如此?這是本文欲探討的課題。本文藉助賽局理論作為分析工具，探討制度安排如何影響行動者間的策略互動，以致最後產生了共治與否的差異。法國與臺灣擁有不同的選舉制度和不同的國會保障機制，在兩種制度因素的交互作用下，會引導分屬不同政黨陣營的總統和國會多數產生不同的政治計算與策略互動，最終導致法國出現「左右共治」，臺灣卻沒有出現「藍綠共治」。 ..
Both France and Taiwan’s political systems are semi-presidential. However, “cohabitation” in French constitutional experience has occurred three times while Taiwan has never seen “cohabitation” until now. Finding the reason for this difference is the central question of this paper. By using the game theory as an analysis tool, the paper explores how the institutional design influences the actors’ strategic interactions, which underlies the discrepancy between France and Taiwan in “coh..
本文的目的在於探討蜜月期選舉時程如何在半總統制下，對前三大政黨在國會選舉時的表現，產生不同於在總統制下所產生的影響。本文認為，由於總統制與半總統制的權力分立程度不同，所以導引出來的蜜月期選舉效應也就相異。根據既有文獻可知，在總統制下，因為權力完全分立，總統黨與第三黨在以具有比例性的選制所進行的蜜月期國會大選中會選得比較好，但本文認為這個效應無法類推到半總統制國家。在半總統制下，因為權力只有部分分立，國會大選是行政權選舉的第二階段，所以即便在蜜月期選舉時程中，..
This paper aims at exploring how semi-presidentialism differs from presidentialism in affecting electoral performance of three largest parties in honeymoon elections. This paper argues that different levels of power separation in presidentialism and semi-presidentialism explain why the effects of honeymoon elections vary. Many existent studies indicated that in presidential systems, with total power separation, the largest and the third largest parties would gain in honeymoon elections that used proportional electoral systems..
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