1648 年西發里亞條約簽訂後,「領土律令」成為主權國家的一項基本原理。 可是,像泰國這樣的東南亞國家,在劃定政治空間以後,卻未能完全地控制邊界。在邊界地帶,中央政府的政治權力相當虛弱,而且,容易遭遇挑戰。冷戰時期,泰國政府因認知到共產主義威脅,而將邊界地帶的高山民族納入國家統合的議程中。為有效地對邊界地帶的高山民族進行統治,且主張統治的正當性,泰國官方創造出一套關於高山民族的論述體系,使得「山民」成為泰國北部高山民族的一種身分織別的負面標籤。泰國政府持續地把焦點放在「山民問題」的解決,使得這種負面的刻板印象深植在泰國社會中。然而,隨著共產主義威脅的消褪,泰國政治邁向民主化發展,跨境區域經濟合作的興起,這些轉變對國家和高山民族的關係有何影響呢?本文認為,像泰國這樣的開發中國家, 因為市民社會尚未完全成熟,高山民族參與政治活動的機會仍遭受嚴重限制,即使官方展現出朝向多元文化主義發展的趨勢,因為支配國家的主體族群,仍掌握論述創造、政策制定及立法等相關權力,從而在國家和高山民族的關條上,依然占據著優勢的地位。
Since 1648, territorial imperative has become a basic principle of the modern sovereign nation-state system. With the emergence of modern nation-states in peninsular Southeast Asia in the post-colonial era, however, those states' writ still fails to extend to the borderland. During the Cold War period, the central government of Thailand perceived Communism as a threat to Southeast Asia, thus necessary to integrate the highlanders into a territorially bounded nation. For effective ruling, the term chao khao (hill tribe peoples ) was used by the Thai government to refer to the minority ethnic groups in Northern Thailand. Within the discourse of chao khao, there are several negative and stereotypical images towards minority ethnic groups, such as “forest destroyers",“migrants of the mountains",“opium producers", etc. Can the state exert control over the borderlands as globalization prevails since the early 1980s? This article examines the changing relations between the state and the minority ethnic groups in Thailand. We argue that even though the Thai government has recognized the politics of diversity, the state still has dominated the state- minority ethnic groups relations because the state authorized its power over discourse-constructing, policy-making, and law-making.
傳統國際關係研究在討論霸權的相關課題時,多是探索霸權相對權力優勢的消長,認為失去權力優勢的霸權,將難逃新興國家的挑戰,霸權交替萌起於無可避免的霸權戰爭。國關學界依順國際政治是一種權力競爭的思路,多是以物質權力作為評量霸權的基準,相對忽視權威暨治理正當性等因素在構成霸業的作用,進而忽略霸權領導的治理權威,霸權如何維繫霸業的討論,更限縮在有限的強制宰制,忽視正當性對強化霸權統御的作用。 本文試圖檢驗權威在霸權治理過程中所扮演的角色與作用,以..
IR studies on hegemony have paid much attention on the relative decline and uprising of powers, which has constituted the perspective that the factors of uneven-growth will cause the downfall of hegemony and the rising power will replace the old one after the former poses great challenges to the declining hegemon and wins the hegemonic war. Though the term of hegemony has deeply implied the characters of leadership, IR generally defines the hegemony as an international order within which one state constitute her dominance wit..
受到 1980 年代起國際關係理論第三次大辯論的影響,政治地授學者與國際關係學者也將後設理論的爭論帶進地緣政治研究,後現代地緣政治或批判性地緣政治是運用後結構主義、後現代主義與批判理論作為其論述的哲學基礎。批判性地緣政治是質疑傳統地緣政治的本體論與知識論的前提假定,解構傳統地緣政治對世界政治的觀察,以及挑戰其以國家為中心的政治實踐。也就是解構傳統地緣政治的霸權論述,以及質疑在主要強國的地緣政治實踐所發現的權力關係。批判性地緣政治研究影響了地緣政治研究的方向與內涵,擴展了其研究議題,但要改..
Due to the influence of the third Great Debate on International Relations Theory in the 1980s, scholars in Geopolitics and International Relations have brought the debates of metatheory into geopolitical research. They have used Post structuralism, Postmodernism, and Critical Theory philosophical foundations to question traditional geopolitics about its ontological and epistemological assumptions, to destructure its perspectives on world politics, and to challenge its state-centered political practices. Therefore, they have been called the ..
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