1648 年西發里亞條約簽訂後,「領土律令」成為主權國家的一項基本原理。 可是,像泰國這樣的東南亞國家,在劃定政治空間以後,卻未能完全地控制邊界。在邊界地帶,中央政府的政治權力相當虛弱,而且,容易遭遇挑戰。冷戰時期,泰國政府因認知到共產主義威脅,而將邊界地帶的高山民族納入國家統合的議程中。為有效地對邊界地帶的高山民族進行統治,且主張統治的正當性,泰國官方創造出一套關於高山民族的論述體系,使得「山民」成為泰國北部高山民族的一種身分織別的負面標籤。泰國政府持續地把焦點放在「山民問題」的解決,使得這種負面的刻板印象深植在泰國社會中。然而,隨著共產主義威脅的消褪,泰國政治邁向民主化發展,跨境區域經濟合作的興起,這些轉變對國家和高山民族的關係有何影響呢?本文認為,像泰國這樣的開發中國家, 因為市民社會尚未完全成熟,高山民族參與政治活動的機會仍遭受嚴重限制,即使官方展現出朝向多元文化主義發展的趨勢,因為支配國家的主體族群,仍掌握論述創造、政策制定及立法等相關權力,從而在國家和高山民族的關條上,依然占據著優勢的地位。
Since 1648, territorial imperative has become a basic principle of the modern sovereign nation-state system. With the emergence of modern nation-states in peninsular Southeast Asia in the post-colonial era, however, those states' writ still fails to extend to the borderland. During the Cold War period, the central government of Thailand perceived Communism as a threat to Southeast Asia, thus necessary to integrate the highlanders into a territorially bounded nation. For effective ruling, the term chao khao (hill tribe peoples ) was used by the Thai government to refer to the minority ethnic groups in Northern Thailand. Within the discourse of chao khao, there are several negative and stereotypical images towards minority ethnic groups, such as “forest destroyers",“migrants of the mountains",“opium producers", etc. Can the state exert control over the borderlands as globalization prevails since the early 1980s? This article examines the changing relations between the state and the minority ethnic groups in Thailand. We argue that even though the Thai government has recognized the politics of diversity, the state still has dominated the state- minority ethnic groups relations because the state authorized its power over discourse-constructing, policy-making, and law-making.
Benjamin J. Cohen 和 Eric. Helleiner 對貨幣權力進行概念論述,但欠缺具體操作指標,學者趙文志依 Cohen 貨幣權力理論中的延遲權力與轉移權力,提出延遲權力中有中、美兩國外匯儲備量、國債發行規模的借貸能力,轉移權力以貿易占 GDP 比值的開放程度,共三項具體指標,指出美國開放度比中國低、但美元流動性與借貸能力高於中國,說明美國對中國有貨幣權力,但該文無法說明中國外匯存底和貿易開放程度都高於美國,但為何是美國擁有貨幣權力,顯然..
Although Benjamin J. Cohen and Eric Helleiner have developed narratives on Monetary Power, there is no clear operational definition of the term. Based on Cohen’s discussion of the power of delay and the power of transfer, Chou Wen-Chi came up with three criteria to measure Monetary Power: foreign reserve, outstanding national debt, and percentage of trade in GDP. Using these criteria, he pointed out that although the US is less trade- dependent, liquidity of US Dollar and borrowing ability of the US are both higher. Thu..
對於強權並存且有爆發戰爭可能性的國際格局,戰爭由誰引發在學界的論點迥異。權力轉移理論認為崛起國基於不滿現狀,會對主導強權發起戰爭;另有聲音則認為衰退的國家基於預防性動機,會對崛起的對手採取行動;然而,權力轉移理論與預防性動機的論述,主要關注於戰爭的發動,此觀點反映一種以「戰爭」進行解析的框架,即探討國與國之間是否會發生戰爭。本研究則以另一個「非戰爭的攻防」的分析框架,論述主導強權與崛起國之間在兵戎之外的攻防行動。本文以美國在2022年施行的晶片與科學法案為例,論述美國對中國採行的非戰爭預..
In the international arena where powerful nations coexist, and the possibility of war exists, there are differing opinions on who triggers wars. Power transition theory suggests that a rising power will initiate war against a dominant power out of dissatisfaction with the status quo. Other argue that the declining state is motivated by preventive motivation to take action against rising adversary. However, both the power transition theory and the preventive motivation argument primarily focus on the initiation of war. This perspective refle..
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