本論文目的在於,針對韓國與臺灣及中國貿易結構,探討兩岸 ECFA 對韓臺經貿關係的影響。韓國與中華民國臺灣皆是以出口為導向的國家,經濟成長主要依靠對外出口。兩國的經濟、產業結構相似、出口市場重疊,在國際市場成為競爭對手。韓、臺最大的出口市場都是中國,對中國的主要出口產品同質性高,在中國市場難免形成激烈競爭。兩岸簽署 ECFA 之後,臺灣較韓國擁有較大的價格優勢,將會削弱韓國在中國市場的競爭力,這對韓國的外貿而言,堪稱一場災難。為了渡過兩岸簽署 ECFA 的難關,韓國需加速與中國簽訂 FTA。然而,基於韓國推進 FTA 戰略的順序及韓中對 FTA 談判方式及敏感領域(包括農業)的看法分歧,雙邊 FTA 談判短期內似難有成果。臺灣是韓國的第 5 大貿易夥伴,其在中國和東南亞與華商享有文化及語言上的緊密關係,經貿方面也具有密切的互動網絡。因此,隨著兩岸經貿合作領域的擴大,韓國希望與臺灣加強經貿合作,進而積極爭取中國與東南亞市場。從此一面向來看,ECFA 未嘗不是加強韓臺關係的契機。
The goal of this paper is to examine impact of the ECFA on economic and trade relations between South Korea and Taiwan from trade structure among three counties. South Korea and the Republic of China at Taiwan are export-oriented countries that mainly rely on economic growth by export. Both countries have become competitive on the international market as their bilateral economic and industrial structures are similar and export markets overlapping. China is both countries’ largest export market and there exist homogeneity of their main export items to China. Therefore both countries are in serious attempts to avoid making cutthroat competition with each other in the Chinese market. After the signing of the cross-strait ECFA, Taiwan gains a much higher price advantage than South Korea, and may weaken South Korea’s competitive position in China. This signals disaster to South Korea’s foreign trade, and surely South Korea needs to swiftly contract the FTA with China to tide over the cross-strait ECFA. However, because of South Korea’s strategic order to promote FTA and discrepancies in negotiation for sensitive areas(i.e. agriculture), FTA negotiations between two counties seem difficult to bear fruit in a short period. Taiwan is South Korea’s fifth largest economic and trade partner. Taiwan has a close relationship with China, Southeast Asia. Thus, by expansion of the cross- strait economic and trade cooperation, South Korea hopes to strengthen economic and trade cooperation with Taiwan, and then hopes to actively seek market in China and Southeast Asia. From this point of view, ECFA might be an interesting opportunity to enhance South Korea’s relations with Taiwan.
自一帶一路倡議提出以來,中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策,在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助,大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而,政府之間的合作成果,卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況,對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例,審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問..
Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row..
本文探討影響中美在中國沿海進行海域油氣勘探合作的主要變數。尼克森政府時期,中美開始海域油氣勘探上的接觸。改革開放與中美建交後,中國擴大與美國在海域油氣勘探上的合作。不過,中國和周邊國家存在領土與邊界爭議。北京威脅使用武力,對美國政府與石油公司產生影響。《聯合國海洋法公約》是另一個重要變數,特別是在蘇聯瓦解後。2008 年,中美開始進行有關投資保障協定的談判。一般而言,雙邊投資協定要求簽約國對外來投資者提供保護。2012 年,歐巴馬政府完成了美國投資保障協定範..
This article discusses major factors affecting offshore oil and natural gas exploration cooperation between the People’s Republic of China and the United States along China’s coast. Contact between the U.S. and China regarding offshore oil and natural gas exploration began in the Nixon Administration. After the reform and opening-up policy and the establishment of Sino-U.S. diplomatic relations, China expanded cooperation with the U.S. in offshore oil and natural gas exploration. However, there are existing territ..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.