1960 年代末期,海洋地質專家即已預測東海大陸礁層蘊藏著豐富的油氣資源,並且造成了周圍國家的震撼,臺灣、中國與日本競相投入海域的探勘活動。但是,後來為了避免國際紛爭,各方遂停止在東海探採石油。然而,隨著海底資源開發技術的發展、國際原油價格節節攀升,以及聯合國海洋法公約的生效,中、日雙方圍繞在東海油氣田的爭端再度爆發出來。由於中國開始在日本主張的「中間線」附近開採石油,造成日本的強烈反應,雙方衝突不斷升級,值得臺灣密切關注。深究中、日在東海發生爭端的根本原因, 在於雙方的專屬經濟海域有相當大部分的重疊。對於鄰近國家專屬經濟海域重疊的情形,海洋法公約呼籲透過協商解決。本文認為,儘管中、日兩國已於 2008 年 6 月達成共識,要先進行小範圍的共同開發,但是來自歷史的情結和現實的輿論壓力,加上東海問題的複雜性與敏感性,將給中、日試圖簽訂此類協議帶來極大的難度。
In the late 1960s, marine geologists had predicted that the continental shelf in the East China Sea is rich in oil and gas. This finding shocked the surrounding regions of Taiwan, Japan, and China, leading to a fever of oil exploration. These countries then stopped the exploration to prevent further international disputes. However, as new seabed resources exploring technology is developed, rising price of crude oil, and the implementation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, the conflict of the East China Sea oil and gas fields between China and Japan breaks out again. Japan's strong reaction to China is caused by China's oil exploration near the median line claimed by Japan. Taiwan, thus, needs to pay more attention to the increasing conflict between China and Japan. The conflicts between China and Japan in the East China Sea resulted from the fact that their exclusive economic zone substantially overlapped. Regarding such issue, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea calls to resolve the dispute through negotiation. In this article, the author argues that even if China and Japan reached a consensus of small-scale joint exploration in June 2008, it will be more difficult to sign this type of agreement in the future due to historical factor, public opinion pressure, and the complexity and sensitivity of the East China Sea issue.
蒙古位於亞洲內陸,夾處於中、俄兩大強國之間的戰略位置,使其曾長期被兩大強鄰視為領土的邊疆(frontier)。隨著 1991 年蘇聯瓦解,使近代蒙古第一次擁有完整主權。此後,蒙古的對外政策定調為「不結盟、等距離、全方位」,在「第三鄰國」戰略操作及地理條件基礎下,以平衡為原則,執行外交策略。誠然,蒙古如何在兩大強鄰之間求取平衡的生存之道,建構出獨立與靈活的外交及經貿空間,是蒙古確保國家安全的一大課題,也是本文的研究目的。 ..
Mongolia, with its strategic location between China and Russia in the inner Asia, is seen by its powerful neighbors for hundreds of years as a frontier. In 1991, modern Mongolia obtained complete sovereignty for the first time after the disruption of USSR, Hereafter, its foreign policy was principled upon “independence, non-alignment, multi-pillars”. Under the “third neighbor” strategy, Mongolia uses the opportunities endowed from its geography to balance neighboring threats, ensure its national securi..
自一帶一路倡議提出以來,中國藉以外交政策與經濟治略的雙重政策,在周邊區域深植影響力。位於周邊的國家大量接收來自北京的經濟挹注與開發援助,大多正面回應中國提供的誘因。然而,政府之間的合作成果,卻在民間社會上形成看法不一的情況,對中國一帶一路下基礎建設的反饋程度也不盡相同。本文以越南平順省(Tỉnh Bình Thuận)永新電力中心(Trung tâm nhiệt điện Vĩnh Tân)為例,審視各電廠所造成的環境汙染、經濟生計、健康 問..
Since the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was launched in 2013, China has adopted a variety of diplomatic and economic policies to enhance its political influence in the world. Among those policies were offering multi- billion-dollar infrastructure and investment deals across Southeast Asia, which were received positively and enthusiastically by the majority of the Southeast Asian governments. Yet, a row between supporters and opponents toward BRI of the civil society in these countries remains unsolved. To elaborate on this row..
請輸入想查詢的期刊標題、關鍵字、作者相關資訊. Please enter the journal title, keywords, and author-related information you want to query.