在國際關係理論中，以主權國家為前提，以理性選擇為途徑，這種採用國家是單一理性行為體的假設，在解釋國際合作與否時，已經面臨到一些挑戰，換言之，非國家行為體亦扮演重要角色。另外，由新現實主義和新自由主義共同假定的制度結構，在日趨複雜的現實世界中，也不能完全理解真實國際社會合作發生的原因。因此，本文嘗試引用認知理論，藉共同認知變項的提出，並結合共同利益變項，透過整合制度結構和認知轉化的過程，導出一種國際合作框架。在驗證部份，本文採用賽局理論和列舉實際案例，說明制度..

In international relations, some theories explain international cooperation almost solely based on sovereign states and a presumed approach of rational choice. However, these hypotheses assume a state-actor, as a rational unit, will meet some unforeseen challenges, thus we need a non-state actor as another variable. Furthermore, an institutional structure of neo- realism’s and neo-liberalism’s hypothesis do not fully illustrate how international cooperation occurs in the real world. So we adopt both the cognitive ..

1991年蘇聯解體之後，中亞成為全球安全局勢最具挑戰的地區之一，強權在中亞的權力競逐亦日趨白熱化。對積極邁向世界強權的歐盟而言，中亞天然資源豐富又位居反恐戰略要衝地位，是兵家必爭之地，但受制於地緣政治因素，歐盟在中亞儼然還不是戰略玩家，其與中亞國家之關係迄今仍根據1999年生效的「夥伴暨合作協定」，缺乏一套完整的戰略規劃。2003年11月喬治亞爆發「玫瑰革命」，隨後又在前蘇聯地區引發連鎖效應，使歐盟在中亞的戰略再成討論議題。 本文主要係從歐盟「歐洲睦鄰政策」的面向切入，分別檢視歐..

Central Asia reemerged from the collapse of the USSR in 1991 as one of the political and security challenging regions, intensifying the struggle among competing powers. The region's natural resources and strategic importance on anti-terrorism are critical for EU striving to achieve a global great power. But restricted by geo-politics, EU has not become a strategic player in Central Asia. The only legal framework of EU-Central Asian bilateral relations was the “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement” (PCA) since 1999, lacking ..