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搜尋結果 : 和"Southeast Asia"有關的資料, 共有56筆
新區域間主義下的歐盟印太戰略: 以歐盟與東協「開路者」協定為例
The EU’s Indo-Pacific Strategy in New Interregionalism: The Case of EU-ASEAN Pathfinder Agreements
荊柏鈞(Bo-Jiun Jing) 謝笠天(Pasha L. Hsieh)
61卷1期(2022/03/01)

隨著近年「印太」成為國際關係與外交研究的重要詞彙,歐盟於2021年4月首次提出「印太戰略」,並特別強調與東協在印太區域合作的重要性。事實上,歐盟自2010年代以來受到全球經濟重心東移、亞洲地緣政治競爭激烈等結構性因素影響,已加速與東協的「第三波區域間主義(Third Interregionalism)」發展;除與東協國家洽簽經濟協定,並於2020年底將原有與東協的對話夥伴關係升級為戰略夥伴關係。本文主張歐盟透過與東協國家洽簽經濟協定以增強其「印太戰略」的效力,而雙邊升級的關係不但強化東協..

Indo-Pacific strategies have become salient in international relations and diplomatic studies. In April 2021, the European Union (EU) for the first time declared its own Indo-Pacific strategy and emphasized the importance of cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In fact, global systemic factors such as the shift of economic power to Asia and the intense geopolitical rivalry in the region have galvanized the evolution of the Third Interregionalism between the EU and ASEAN. Other than economic agreements, both b..

同極相吸?南方國家之間的公私協力夥伴關係: 以中國廠商在泰國與緬甸的公共建設投資為例
The South-South Public-Private Partnerships Sometimes Attracting Each Other: Evidence from Chinese Firms’ Infrastructure Investment in Thailand and Myanmar
蘇翊豪(Yi-hao Su)
59卷2期(2020/06/01)

公私協力夥伴關係近年來成為南南合作的重要模式,隨著自身經濟實力的增長,南方國家廠商也開始參與其他發展中國家興建基礎建設。有鑑於先行文獻對此現象經常採行對外直接投資的研究框架,較為輕忽公共建設的特質與偏重投資的負面效果,本文以中國廠商參與泰國與緬甸的海外公共建設項目為例,進行理論建構工作。研究發現民營企業即使獨資取得地主國的公私協力夥伴計畫,也不致於衍生爭議;相對地,中央型國有企業參與基礎建設計畫較易遭遇政治反抗,但如果採行與當地或者他國際廠商的合資形式,則可..

South-South Cooperation is believed to facilitate development smoothly. However, why do some projects of public-private partnership in infrastructure (PPI) between Southern countries create contention while others do not? This research argues that types of enterprises and interfirm cooperation are two determinants of contentious politics against foreign involvement in PPI in Southern countries. To explain how this mechanism works, I focus on Chinese firms’ port and power construction PPI in Thailand and Myanmar. The com..

東南亞人權政治:條約承諾的意義 (1981∼2015)
The Motives of Ratification: Human Rights Treaties in Southeast Asia (1981-2015)
顏永銘(Yung-Ming Yen)
59卷1期(2020/03/01)

近年來,國際人權規範在東南亞地區出現了正面的發展趨勢,並引發了學界之興趣。然而現有研究多聚焦於東協區域人權機制的創建與後果,對於人權公約承諾的關注相對不足,所提供的解釋亦未能盡如人意。本文企圖透過量化資料的實證分析,探詢影響東南亞人權公約承諾的主要因素。透過觀察東南亞十國自1981年到2015年間對主要國際人權公約的承諾紀錄,本文驗證了主要理論觀點所歸納出的四項假設,實證分析結果顯示,規範論與理性論觀點在不同的人權公約中產生了一定的促進效果,然而並無證據支持..

The last few decades witnessed positive developments in terms of human rights across Southeast Asia. It is widely believed that progresses such as the creation of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission of Human Rights (AICHR) suggested the willingness of regional countries to identify themselves with universal human rights. Nevertheless, no consensus has been reached in academia yet regarding human rights treaty commitment of regional countries. This article intends to make contribution to the knowledge of human rights treaty rat..

論東協對南海爭端的共識與立場
The Consensus and Position of ASEAN toward South China Sea Issue
孫國祥(Kuo-Hsiang Sun)
53卷2期(2014/06/01)

東協各國政府廣泛地認為,南海爭端是冷戰後東南亞主要的「衝突引爆點」。它也對東協的團結及其有關和平解決爭端的規範帶來了嚴峻的考驗。由於並非所有東協成員國都是南海島礁的聲索國,因此,東協對南海的共識與立場始終受到各國在南海不同利益的影響而罕有「一致性」,而東協決策的模式也顯示其南海政策立場的結構性問題。對南海衝突管理與海域劃界涉及的東協會員國至少有越南、菲律賓、馬來西亞與汶萊,印尼和新加坡的立場也值得關注。本文目的是探討作為一個整體的東協,如何回應南海緊張局勢的..

The South China Sea(SCS)dispute was widely viewed by ASEAN governments as the major ‘flashpoint of conflict’ in the post-Cold War Southeast Asia. It also posed a serious test of ASEAN’s unity and of its norms concerning peaceful settlements of disputes. Because not all ASEAN member countries are the claim countries of the SCS islands and reefs, therefore, the consensus and position of ASEAN on the SCS have always been rare "consistency" due to different interests in the SCS. ASEAN decision-making s..

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