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委內瑞拉糧食生產體系與短缺之研究 (2001~2014): 過程與機制
Venezuela’s Food Production System and Shortage: Process and Mechanism (2001-2014)
黃富娟 (Fu-Chuan Huang)
59卷4期(2020/12/01)

本文目的在探究委內瑞拉查維茲總統執政期間,以國家力量打造的國有糧食生產體系與相關制度,為何以及如何導致委內瑞拉走向更仰賴糧食進口,並於國際石油價格崩跌之後陷入嚴重的物資「短缺」。   本文從制度論出發,制度互補作為分析架構,並結合國家角色與國家結盟進行分析,目的在探究2001~2013年間查維茲總統在「糧食主權」和 「二十一世紀社會主義國家轉型」政策框架下啟動的一系列糧食與農業政策,包括:土地改革與再分配、糧食市場銷售計劃、食品加工與零售部門國有化,以及價格和匯..

The paper examines the Venezuelan food and agricultural policies imposed by ex-President Hugo Chávez during 2001-2013 in order to explore why and how Venezuela became heavily reliant on food importation and eventually led to severe food shortage in 2014 when oil price collapsed.   The research uses institutionalism and institutional complementarity as analytical framework, aiming at exploring how a series of food and agricultural policies, namely, land reform, price and exchange control, and nationalization of agroindustry sec..

社會資本的汲取與運用:菲共的經驗檢視
Learning and Application of Social Capital: An Examination of CPP’s Experience
翁俊桔(Chun-Chieh Weng)宋鎮照(Jenn-Jaw Soong)
54卷4期(2015/12/01)

長期困擾菲律賓內部安定的菲律賓共產黨(菲共),似乎是目前世界各恐怖組織的異數。因為菲共雖然面臨資源匱乏和策略工具失靈的困境,而數度瀕臨瓦解。不過,由於組織紀律嚴謹、戰略目標明確、意識形態完備加上能夠快速地調整形態,使得該組織仍得以續存迄今。 然而,就菲共的發展歷程、組織結構和治理經驗來觀察,可以發現如何汲取和運用社會資本似乎就成為菲共尋求生存發展的主要策略,因此社會資本與菲共的關聯性研究,也就成為本文亟待論證和剖析的命題所在。 ..

The Communist Party of the Philippines, CPP, has threatened domestic stability of the Philippines for a long time. CPP has been regarded as a deviant case of terrorist organizations in the world. Facing resource scarcity, strategic failure, and looming collapse, CPP retained unambiguous strategic targets, a strong ideology, and functioned under strict discipline. Its survival has been attributed to its efficient application of social capital. Thus, in this paper, we undertake an important task closely analyze CPP’s developmental proce..

後冷戰時期歐盟對中亞地區之戰略作為:強權政治的意涵
The EU Strategy towards Central Asia in the Post-Cold War Era: An Implication of Great Power Politics
吳東野(Tung-Yeh Wu)
45卷4期(2006/07/01)

1991年蘇聯解體之後,中亞成為全球安全局勢最具挑戰的地區之一,強權在中亞的權力競逐亦日趨白熱化。對積極邁向世界強權的歐盟而言,中亞天然資源豐富又位居反恐戰略要衝地位,是兵家必爭之地,但受制於地緣政治因素,歐盟在中亞儼然還不是戰略玩家,其與中亞國家之關係迄今仍根據1999年生效的「夥伴暨合作協定」,缺乏一套完整的戰略規劃。2003年11月喬治亞爆發「玫瑰革命」,隨後又在前蘇聯地區引發連鎖效應,使歐盟在中亞的戰略再成討論議題。 本文主要係從歐盟「歐洲睦鄰政策」的面向切入,分別檢視歐..

Central Asia reemerged from the collapse of the USSR in 1991 as one of the political and security challenging regions, intensifying the struggle among competing powers. The region's natural resources and strategic importance on anti-terrorism are critical for EU striving to achieve a global great power. But restricted by geo-politics, EU has not become a strategic player in Central Asia. The only legal framework of EU-Central Asian bilateral relations was the “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement” (PCA) since 1999, lacking ..

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