自從1989年共黨統治垮台之後，波蘭曾被視為前東歐共黨集團國家中最為成功的民主轉型和歐洲整合範例;然而，2015年「歐洲難民危機」 爆發之後，在「法律與公正黨」(PiS)領銜之下，伴隨著基進的反難民(移民)言論，卻為波蘭點燃前所未見的右翼狂潮，不僅已經成為二戰法西斯主義之後最顯眼的政治現象，也為現代西方自由民主政體制度帶來嚴峻的挑戰。從一個較為廣泛的波蘭脈絡出發，本文將從政治、文化和歷史三個面向，剖析難民危機安全化、基進反難民(移民)論述和今日政治右翼霸權(..

Since the fall of Communism in 1989, Poland has once been viewed as the most successful example of the democratic transition and European integration among former Eastern bloc nations. In the wake of 2015’s refugee crisis, however, a full-outbreak of Poland’s political right-wing movement with their radical anti-refugee/immigrant rhetoric, led by ‘Law and Justice’ (PiS), has already become the most striking political phenomenon in Europe since WWII’s fascism and posed a comprehensive challenge to..

「印度-太平洋」一詞近幾年成為眾所矚目的焦點，甚至迅速取代各界對於「亞洲-太平洋」的關注。不只是全球主要政治領袖紛紛關注「印太區域」的發展與榮景、積極凸顯「印太戰略」的重要性，而國際間重要外交政策智庫亦密集辦理會議及論壇，詳細比較區域國家的「印太政策」，試圖歸納出印太區域政經發展的當前圖象與未來路向。此種在戰略或政策論述上正逐漸由「亞太」朝「印太」轉向的變革，蔚為趨勢。本文將探討正在發展中的印太戰略，從區域內部與外部的形構動力著手，對照主要利害關係國的多元政..

Much attention has been paid to the notion and setting of “Indo-Pacific” in recent years. It becomes a buzzword, to some extent, replacing “Asia- Pacific” as the focal point in regional stability and prosperity among stakeholders in Asia. In order to better portray contesting approaches for Indo-Pacific engagement, this study explores driving forces that shape the current power configuration in the Indo-Pacific region, unfolds the development of Indo-Pacific strategies among major powers such as Japan,..

本文為尋求解釋泰國在柏威夏寺爭議中的動機及柬埔寨的回應，將領土衝突與國族認同及國內政治等面向作出連結，揭示在以絕對控制的邊界觀為基礎的現代國族國家體系中，領土的歷史變遷在國族主義建構過程所扮演的角色，及其為政治人物留下可操作的空間。為達政治目的，政治菁英可選擇製造或操縱國族認同;同時，利用歷史的形塑或詮釋作為策略武器，引導國內觀眾朝向其所欲的結果，來為政權產生並提高政治正當性。不過，從實存的歷史發展過程來看，這種舉動經常會伴隨難以預料的後果。泰、柬柏威夏寺的..

This article explores the linkage among territory, nationalism and domestic politics through a case study of the Preah Vihear Temple dispute between Thailand and Cambodia. In the process of transformation from traditional kingdoms to modern nation-states, territorial changes are very important for nationalism and nation-building. They can provide political elites with chances to manipulate and secure self interest. To fan the flames of nationalism, political leaders or elites often re-construct and re-write national history a..

中日第二次戰爭(即對日抗戰，1937~1945 年)時期，交戰各方為爭奪南洋華僑群眾支持，遂發展政治論述(discourse)。由於「國族」(nation)並非東亞固有觀念，因此華僑國族認同成為當時重要課題。本研究將以戰時各方之調查報告、政策文獻、外交檔案為核心，研究「國共汪日」四方之華僑政治論述基礎、主要政策與華僑群體的應對過程。研究發現:華僑社群原接受中國傳統思想，以各種親屬與文化關係維繫對中國認同，故國民政府在當時以各種團體為中介，實行「抗日救國」的國..

During the Second Sino-Japanese War, a.k.a. War of Resistance (1937~1945), both China and Japan attempted to gain support from overseas Chinese using their different political discourses. The concept of “nation” was not originated in East Asia but highly propagandized during this war period. This article analyzed and compared various discourses on overseas Chinese mobilization submitted by four actors─Chiang(Choung- ching government ), Wang ( Nanking government ), Mao ( Yen-an government), and Empire Japan ─ using..

本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響，並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應，而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答，則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式，將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。 「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定，意指小國在其對外行為上，主動將大國之國家利益納入考量，不做出..

This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we&r..