公私協力夥伴關係近年來成為南南合作的重要模式,隨著自身經濟實力的增長,南方國家廠商也開始參與其他發展中國家興建基礎建設。有鑑於先行文獻對此現象經常採行對外直接投資的研究框架,較為輕忽公共建設的特質與偏重投資的負面效果,本文以中國廠商參與泰國與緬甸的海外公共建設項目為例,進行理論建構工作。研究發現民營企業即使獨資取得地主國的公私協力夥伴計畫,也不致於衍生爭議;相對地,中央型國有企業參與基礎建設計畫較易遭遇政治反抗,但如果採行與當地或者他國際廠商的合資形式,則可..
South-South Cooperation is believed to facilitate development smoothly. However, why do some projects of public-private partnership in infrastructure (PPI) between Southern countries create contention while others do not? This research argues that types of enterprises and interfirm cooperation are two determinants of contentious politics against foreign involvement in PPI in Southern countries. To explain how this mechanism works, I focus on Chinese firms’ port and power construction PPI in Thailand and Myanmar. The com..
就非政府組織的「運作規模」而言,可將其分為「國際」與「在地」的非政府組織。面對緬甸相關問題,儘管國際非政府組織擁有專業與資源上的優勢,卻也有無能為力之時,必須搭配在地非政府組織的力量,甚至形成合作關係,方能更有效率地完成任務。有鑑於在地非政府組織對緬甸的重要性,本文由長期遭受緬甸政府忽視的「少數民族偏鄉發展」議題切入,並以「湄他發展基金會」、「沙龍基金會」與「人民亮光」等從事「克欽族」援助起家的在地非政府組織為例,詳述在地非政府組織與緬甸克欽族的互動情形,及..
The “scale of operations” of non-governmental organizations can be divided into either “international” or “domestic.” When dealing with problems in Myanmar, although international non-governmental organizations may hold advantages due to their professionalism and available resources; however, there are still situations where they may feel helpless and will need to rely on the help of other domestic non-governmental organizations or even form a collaborative alliance with them to carry out t..
2015 年 11 月,緬甸舉行國會大選,由翁山蘇姬領導的全國民主聯盟(全民聯)獲得壓倒性勝利。2016 年 3 月,由全民聯所提名的翁山蘇姬親信 碇喬(Htin Kyaw),順利在國會總統選舉中獲勝,並於 3 月 30 日正式宣誓就任緬甸新總統。其後,碇喬總統向國會提出的 21 個部會首長名單,也獲得國會通過。本文將先從碇喬內閣完整名單探討新政府人事布局的若干特點,並對照新政府近日相關的種種政治作為與安排,分析其欲展現的政治目標,以及對緬甸與中美大國關係所..
In November 2015, the National League for Democracy(NLD), led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide victory in the general elections. In March 2016, the NLD nominee U Htin Kyaw, a confidant and proxy of Suu Kyi, successfully won the presidential election in the Union parliament, and was inaugurated as president on March 30. On May 25, President Htin Kyaw announced the final list of 21 ministers to assume control of 22 ministries. This paper discusses the characteristics of personnel composition of Htin Kyaw’s cabinet..
自從 1962 年便落入軍事威權統治的緬甸,在 2010 年 11 月 7 日舉行自 1990 年以來首次的聯邦與地方議會大選,並在 2011 年 3 月 30 日隨著新總統登盛的宣誓就職,而從軍政府正式轉型至文人政府。此後登盛政府進行了一系列改革措施,頗令人耳目一新。本文主旨在解讀緬甸自 1948 年獨立以來的政治發展,並將 2011 年以降的政治改革放在威權政體尋求政治正當性的歷史脈絡中來觀察,而認為當軍政府的國內正當性鞏固工程在本世紀初面臨因經濟困境所..
The Burmese military has been successful in maintaining its authoritarian rule in the past decades. In 2011, however, the junta shifted its power to the civilian government despite the absence of inside or outside political pressure . Since then, the new government has introduced many reforms that allow greater political liberty in Burma. This paper locates the junta’s power shift as part of a wider process of the military consolidating political legitimacy. It argues that as the junta’s power consolidation reache..
2015 年 11 月,緬甸完成了歷史性的國會大選,由翁山蘇姬(Aung San Suu Kyi)帶領的全國民主聯盟一如外界預期獲得勝選。2016 年 3 月,緬甸新國會即將產生新的總統,進一步成為挑戰軍系勢力、推動戒律式民主 (disciplined democracy)再改造的關鍵領導人。緬甸民主發展正面臨脆弱轉型之際,儘管全民盟的勝選有利於延續緬甸之春(Burma Spring)的改革能量,但鑲嵌在制度設計中的各種「透明的不正義」(transparen..
Myanmar has successfully held its general election on November 8th 2015. As predicted, the National League for Democracy(NLD)led by Daw Aung San Suu Ki won the election, becoming the majority in the parliament. A new president, according to the Constitution, will be elected by the NLD- led parliament by March 2016, who may push forward political transformation of disciplined democracy while challenging the Tatmadaw. The winning of NLD will, for sure, invigorate Burma Spring; however, transparent injustice embedded in the Cons..
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