本文初探各國社會資本、政體與新冠肺炎疫苗接種普及率與進度的關 聯性。筆者關注社會資本的不同要素是否有助於各國推行疫苗接種；此 外，社會資本能否作為解釋政體在疫苗接種差異的來源，特別是民主、非 民主國家的區隔。本研究建置涵蓋世界價值觀調查、自由之家與疫苗接種 資訊的87個國家資料庫進行實證分析。分析結果顯示制度信心如預期地 對疫苗接種普及率有顯著正向效應；規範認知則對疫苗接種達標風險率有 顯著負向影響，與社會資本的理論相悖。其次，不論疫苗接種..

This paper explores why some countries share higher COVID-19 vaccinations than others. The author addresses how social capital and regime types are associated with the rate and speed of vaccination in countries. It is argued that elements of social capital are not only able to promote the vaccinations, but also be one of mediating factors that account for the differences between types of political regimes in vaccination. Country data on social capital and political regimes is linked to data on COVID-19 vaccinations ..

當代民主和平研究已不再局限於民主政體間的戰爭機率，有些學者已經開始轉向研究威權政體間的戰爭機率。這樣的研究發展，有利於促進國際政治和比較政府兩個次領域的對話，而本文亦嘗試將威權政體分類相關的比較政治研究，帶入國際政治場域進行分析。2002 年 Mark Peceny、Caroline C. Beer和 Shannon Sanchez-Terry 提出 「獨裁政體和平假說」(dictatorial peace)，主張威權政體間亦存在低武裝衝突機率。而且，如果再將威權政體進一步分類，則僅有單..

When analyzing the relationship between regime type and the possibility of militarized interstate conflict, an interdisciplinary dialogue between the fields of comparative politics and international relations is vitally demanded, especially when stepping into the further area of democratic peace, “dictatorial peace." In 2002, Mark Peceny, Caroline Beer, and Shannon Sanchez-Terry concluded that a lower conflict possibility does exist among non-democratic regimes. Moreover, after classifying non-democracies into three categories, t..