能源憲章條約於1998年生效，目前有54個簽署方，大部分位於歐洲與中亞地區。其目的為保障外國投資人免受地主國不當之管制或政治干預，包括訴諸投資人與地主國爭端解決機制之途徑。2018年啟動該條約之現代化談判，歷經約五年談判後，2022年6月24日能源憲章大會通過原則性協議，完成ECT之修正內容。雖然談判結果未將化石燃料投資排除於保障範圍之外，不過該條約現代化所帶來之實質性改變仍有所進展。儘管如此，部分歐盟會員國宣布退出能源憲章條約，歐盟執委會亦隨之展開協調歐盟及其會員國退出該條約。根據該條..

The Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) came into force in 1998 and is currently signed by 54 countries, mostly in Europe and Central Asia. Its purpose is to protect foreign investments from regulatory or political interferences of host State, including through investor-State dispute settlement mechanism (ISDS). A negotiation to modernize the agreement was launched in 2018. On 24 June 2022, after five years of negotiations, the Energy Charter Conference Member States reached an Agreement in Principle regarding revisions to the ECT. Despite a crushin..

歐盟在與第三國/區域簽訂貿易或投資協定時，因為其市場吸引力，而得以將帶有歐盟價值的規範性議程納入協定中，以實踐自身外交政策的目標。此「規範性權力(normative power)」論述在學界已有廣泛的討論。實務上，歐盟的規範性權力亦不斷透過各種不同的管道，在不同的地區和領域內發揮影響力。歐盟自2013年10月開始，與中國大陸進行全面投資協定(Comprehensive Agreement on Investment，簡稱CAI)談判，目前已完成了第35輪的談..

The European Union (EU) has well utilized its market attraction to bring European value based normative agenda into trade or investment agreement negotiations with third country/region, in order to achieve its own foreign policy objectives. This “normative power” theory has had wide discussion among academics. In practice, EU’s normative power has also continuously expanded its influence in different areas via various channels. Since October 2013, EU and China have begun the negotiations on the Comprehensive..

公私協力夥伴關係近年來成為南南合作的重要模式，隨著自身經濟實力的增長，南方國家廠商也開始參與其他發展中國家興建基礎建設。有鑑於先行文獻對此現象經常採行對外直接投資的研究框架，較為輕忽公共建設的特質與偏重投資的負面效果，本文以中國廠商參與泰國與緬甸的海外公共建設項目為例，進行理論建構工作。研究發現民營企業即使獨資取得地主國的公私協力夥伴計畫，也不致於衍生爭議;相對地，中央型國有企業參與基礎建設計畫較易遭遇政治反抗，但如果採行與當地或者他國際廠商的合資形式，則可..

South-South Cooperation is believed to facilitate development smoothly. However, why do some projects of public-private partnership in infrastructure (PPI) between Southern countries create contention while others do not? This research argues that types of enterprises and interfirm cooperation are two determinants of contentious politics against foreign involvement in PPI in Southern countries. To explain how this mechanism works, I focus on Chinese firms’ port and power construction PPI in Thailand and Myanmar. The com..

當中國「對外直接投資」(Foreign Direct Investment，簡稱FDI)大幅湧入世界各國後，被投資國對於中國資金的質疑與恐懼也逐漸浮現，例如:歐洲各國擔憂中資入主後，將降低歐陸勞工的待遇;澳洲民眾與國會反對中資併購國內農場等。然而，上述恐慌卻與文獻資料分析存有歧異， 爬梳有關中國對外直接投資之於被投資國的影響等相關研究後發現，中國資金並未帶來「紅色政治」，且中資與其他國家投資的運作方式亦無明顯差異。雖然中資並未對被投資國產生預期的傷害和損失，..

While foreign direct investment (FDI) flows from China to other countries in the world, some recipients have shown their fear and question toward China’s investment. For instance, European countries are afraid of the degradation of labor and environmental standard after embracing investment from China to their industries;, while Australia’s public and media blame China’s investment on real estate for the rising housing price. However, after carefully reviewing discussions on each case in the literature, it c..

南南投資在全球外資中的比重在本世紀出現大幅成長。在南南投資被寄望成為促進南方國家經濟發展新動力的同時，挑戰與問題也接連產生。本研究目的在探討南南投資於南南合作下的意義與南方國家對此投資引發的國家安全之外資政策回應。本文作為探討南南投資與其引發南方國家國安風險之外資政策回應的介紹導論性論文，目的在經由闡釋南南投資的涵義與特性，分析南南投資與國家安全的關聯，再提出初步的理論解釋說明南方國家對此類外資引發之國安疑慮的外資政策回應，並輔以相關案例分析說明，以作為後續..

The South-South investment has increased dramatically in the 21st century. It has been anticipated to promote South Countries’ economic development, while related problems and challenges remain. The goal of this essay is to explore the significance of South-South investment in the context of South-South Cooperation, and the South Countries’ policy responses to national security risk over South-South investment. This article is designed to be an introductory essay, with a moderate goal of illustrating th..