當前兩岸關係基本結構為「政治疏離、經濟融合」。因此，如何掌握經濟「影響」政治的力量，便成為前瞻兩岸未來的重要憑藉，另方面，如何利用或防範經濟左右政治的力量，則成為兩岸相互攻防的關鍵場域。故自胡錦濤主導對台政策後，即持續強化「寄希望於台灣人民」的各種所謂「惠台」措施，希望以此促進兩岸和平統一，但能否發揮其所期待的作用，迄今未見比較系統的評估，有鑒於此，本文根據近期民調資料，分別就一般民眾及目標社群進行觀察，分析其對中觀感與政治立場的變化，藉以蠡測此類「以經促統..

The confrontation across the Taiwan Strait has been extended from the Cold War years to the global era. Under the new circumstance, cross-Strait exchanges and contacts are not only close but also indispensible for both. And, such socioeconomic ties can be easily employed as instruments to achieve political goals. Motivated by the logic, after Hu Jintao being in charge, China has shifted its Taiwan policy from “more sticks” to “extra carrots.” The core elements of Hu’s economic statecraft are &ldq..

儘管阿弘認為自己的國際政治理論只適用於冷戰時期，但基於 20 世紀中葉以來日益強調不確定性的科學走向，並參照摩根索、瓦爾茲等人對科學概念的理解，今天似乎可以從三個知識論層級看出他的理論並沒有過時的問題:第一、在元理論層次，他以一系列的二律背反和特殊符碼，點明了許多不確定性的問題;第二、在元結構層次，他透過社會學與歷史學的方法論，將當事人與政治實體推出更嚴謹的二項式互動結構;第三、在實踐學層次，他對一系列外交行為提出二律背反的探索，從而不但超越了精確科學在確定..

It is with regards of the importance of the uncertainty for the current scientific philosophy that we want to interpret the theory of the international relations of the Cold War by Raymond Aron, using the comprehension which is concerned with the scientific conceptions of Mogenthau, Waltz, and others; and we want to verify not only that this theory keeps a sort of efficiency until today, but also that Aron has found some theories about the uncertainty on a higher level. We first want to show, in the field of metathe..

有關於層次分析(levels-of-analysis)的研究早於第二次世界大戰以來即受到西方學者相當之注重，但國內相關之研究仍未重視層次分析之研究途徑，亦很少有研究著作涉及層次分析之研究架構。近年來隨著「建構主義」 在國際關係理論上愈受重視，開展相互主觀、研究「結構/體系」與「單元 /能動者」之動態互動關係，並提及跨層分析的重要性，可惜建構主義學者亦未能將層次分析之相關理論做系統性之整理或推導成分析模型。針對此，本文將傳統國際關係理論及建構主義涉及層次分析的..

Levels-of-analysis has been one of most important IR theory in the West since World War II, but still waiting to be explored in Taiwan. With the rises of constructivism emphasizing the concept of intersubjectivity, exploring the relations between structure and agency, and reverting the significance of cross-levels analysis, researchers are forced to recall levels-of-analysis approach. However, there is still a pity that constructivism did not offer a modeling analytical framework for the studies of levels-of-analysis. Therefo..

在過去的二十年以來，理論辯論成為寬廣的國際關係理論領域中日益顯著的部份。如果我們需要使用一組可信而適當的理論，來回答關於在特定條件下國際關係理論分歧的向題，則現有理論無法提供一個滿意的答案。 本文嘗試提出一個整體的觀點，來理解國際關係中的研究途徑與理論概念現存的分歧情形。基此目的，本研究的目標，在於藉由統攝概念的運動，以建立 一個國際關係理論分歧現象的分析架構，來理解那些主理論分歧的現象。 本文的討論並未解決那些現存理論分歧的問題，只是嘗試說明一個理論的爭議將會如何予以解..

Over the last 20 years, theoretical debates have become an increasingly conspicuous part in the broader field of international Relations Theory. If we are in need of an adequate theory that provides a set of plausible and testable answers to questions about theoretical diversity under specified conditions, the existing theory, in term, does not suffice. This paper attempts to provide a comprehensive perspective to understand the existing diversity of research approaches and theoretical concepts of international relations. To this end, t..

1990年統一前，東德由德國社會主義統一黨進行威權統治，西德則為一個自由民主國家，政黨在公平的競爭制度中運作。兩德統一後，政治制度迥異的兩個體系在重整過程中，必然會出現嚴重的磨合現象。不同於以往探究政黨體系僅重視體系內單純的「相關性政黨數字」的變化，與政黨「意識形態」距離與強度的差異，本論文試著從「社會分歧」(social cleavage)出發，觀察德國統一以來，社會結構分歧程度與政黨反應此基礎所呈現的互動關係，並說明政黨勢力的興衰，如何合作結盟或是分裂結構，已呈現德國政黨體系的內涵特..

Before German unification in 1990, East Germany/GDR was authoritarian-governed by the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and West Germany/FRG was a democratic state with a relatively fair competitive party system. Serious conflicts between totally different political systems must have emerged when they started to become a unified state. Differing from the traditional approach to studying party systems through party numbers and ideologies, the author will, through “social cleavage,” examine how German parties reflect the change of ..