本文根據國際貨幣的內涵與貨幣國際化的前提條件，分析中國推動人民幣國際化的主要措施與目前人民幣國際化的程度，並評估人民幣國際化的未來展望。由於國際貨幣的使用具有很強的慣性，以美元與歐元為主的國際貨幣具有先占者優勢，加上中國的資本管制與金融發展程度偏低等因素的制約，人民幣要成為全球性的國際貨幣，應該是很遙遠的事。但是基於地緣關係、經貿關係與相對的經濟實力，短期內(例如 3 至 5 年)人民幣應該可以在周邊國家扮演貿易計價貨幣的角色。如果中國能夠在這段期期間逐步實..

Based on the connotation of international currency and the preconditions of currency internationalization, this paper investigates the measures taken by the Chinese government to promote the internationalization of the RMB and assesses the current state and prospect of the RMB as an international currency. As the hierarchy of international currencies has a strong inertia, together with strict capital controls and a low level of financial development in China, it will take quite a long time before the RMB emerges as a global c..

國際關係歷史社會學承諾要打破主流國際關係學界中的歐洲中心論 (Eurocentrism)，但至今為止很少有人從事具體的歷史社會學經驗研究來兌 現這個承諾。許田波(Victoria Tin-Bor Hui)對近代早期歐洲與上古中國的國家形成做出具有開創性的比較研究是少數的例外，她探索的主要問題是何以歐洲國家間的軍事競爭會維持一種競爭性的多國體系，而中國的戰國體系最終卻匯歸為一統帝國?她認為秦國能統一中國主要是因為它進行了自強型的改革，而歐洲國家則多半採取了自弱..

Historical sociology in international relations promises to undermine the Eurocentrism that is characteristic of mainstream international relations theories. To date, however, few empirical studies in historical sociology have been carried out to deliver on that promise. Victoria Tin-Bor Hui’s ground- breaking comparative study of state formations in early modern Europe and ancient China is a rare exception. The main question she addresses in her work is why under similar pressure of military competition, Europe continu..

本文探討一個認同對外交政策的影響，並以「芬蘭化」的概念為例。外交政策基本上是對「我群/我們」概念的回應，而一個政治社群諸如「我們是誰?」、「在世界上的角色和地位」對問題的回答，則大致是穩定的。爬梳一個社群對「我們」概念如「民族」與「國家」的理解與論述方式，將有助於解釋該社群之外交政策的大致走向。 「芬蘭化」(Finlandization)一詞源於 1948 年芬蘭與蘇聯之協定，意指小國在其對外行為上，主動將大國之國家利益納入考量，不做出..

This paper explores the impact of identity on foreign policy, with the idea of “Finlandization” as an empirical case. Foreign policy can be conceptualized as a response to “we” concepts, and a political community’s answers to such questions as “who we are” and “our roles and places in the world” are generally stable. It is thus helpful to grasp the general tendency of a community’s foreign policy if the ways in which it understands and organizes the basic “we&r..

本文第一部分藉由現有的文獻回顧國際關係對於權力的探討以及貿易與權力的關係;在介紹歐洲聯盟(European Union，以下簡稱歐盟)貿易政策的基本框架後，接著探討歐盟實際的貿易政策作為，並且討論貿易政策背後的政治意涵;最後由國際關係理論以及上述的貿易政策，討論歐盟貿易政策的權力角色。歐盟由於先天上發展傳統軍武實力的限制，於是採取貿易、知識等非傳統權力手段來推動價值以及創造規範，在全球化的時代下構築其有別於傳統軍事強權的知識權力角色。 ..

The research is divided into three parts. The first part reviews the literatures regarding power and the relations between trade and power in IR studies. Secondly, this article chooses several EU’s trade policies in practice to discuss the political implications behind the trade policy. Finally, the research analyzes the role of power of EU’s trade through IR theories and the practical trade policies discussed above. Because of the inborn constraint on the development of traditional military capability, the EU use..

近年來，歐盟逐漸修正對外貿易政策轉向與第三國及區域組織談判簽署「區域貿易協定」的結盟方式。歐盟與中美洲自由貿易協定就是以「區域對區域」的方式推動而發展出「跨區域」與「區域間」主義的走向。這種跨區域與區域間關係的建構不僅在區域內部，同時在跨區域聯繫上呈現出制度化發展的趨勢。 文章嘗試從跨區域層次解讀歐盟與中美洲(包括哥斯大黎加、薩爾瓦多、瓜地馬拉、宏都拉斯、尼加拉瓜、巴拿馬 6 國)兩區域之間的政經互 動。文章架構分成六部分:除前言外，其..

The European Union has recently shifted to a trade policy that envisages a greater use of the Regional Trade Agreements(RTAs)with all partners. The EU is pursuing the RTAs with Central America through a pattern of “region to region” to form the basis of negotiations, which is implying a certain degree of inter-and trans-regionalism characteristics. The development of inter-and trans-regional relations reflects a general trend of institutionalization of relations not only within but also across regions. This articl..