歐洲統合於過去半個世紀的發展，為政策實踐與學術研究提供建構歐洲特殊身份認同的機會。在尋求一個適合其身份認同的全球性角色的過程當中，歐體/歐盟已在對外政策的合作進程中，展現與傳統強權不同的特質，並呈現出具關鍵影響力的規範性力量。隨著在政策領域當中歐洲國家逐漸發展出對外與安全政策整合的機制，學界也提出「公民強權」的概念，藉以指稱在聯盟的層次上，以集體性的非軍事措施解決國際衝突的方式，在經過不斷實踐形成行為體間互動慣例模式後，所建構出具特殊性的歐盟國際身份認同。 然而，當歐盟開始試探軍..

A half century of European intergration has had a profound effect on both policy practice and academic research in pursuing the distinctiveness of Europe's identity as a whole. In the process of finding an appropriate role based on its constructing identity, the EC/EU has shaped a distinct foreign policy and developed decisive normative power in world affairs. Along with the formation of foreign and security policy cooperation among EU member states, the academic circle has proposed the “civilian power” concept, referring to..

經濟學界基於 1990 年代歐洲匯率機制危機的歷史教訓，與新近發展的內生整合理論，多認為即使無法擺脫馬斯垂克條約整合門檻的法規束縛，歐洲貨幣同盟至少應儘快邀請有意加入歐元區的歐盟東歐成員國，在此一過渡階段進行密切的經濟貨幣政策協調合作，以免再度發生匯率與金融危機。本文首先對經濟學界就歐洲貨幣同盟擴張議題，所發表的重要文獻進行評述。其次根據既有論點，以東歐經濟規模最大的捷克、匈牙利、波蘭作為研究對象，結合簡單的總體經濟模型與賽局分析概念，探討三國已為歐盟成員，..

Some economists believe that even if the Maastricht convergence criteria is indispensable, the European Monetary Union should at least invite Central and Eastern European countries to participate in economic policy coordination as soon as possible, on the basis of the theory of endogeneity and the experience of the ERM crisis in the 1990s. The purposes of this research are 1)to provide an economic literature review about the issue of EMU enlargement and 2)to determine whether a bilateral coalition of an accession country and ..

歐洲統合的進程在經濟、文化與推動西方普世價值方面已使得歐洲聯盟成為一個全球「公民強權」的角色，但是是否藉此轉化成為一個「軍事強權」，仍然是歐盟各會員國爭論的焦點。從馬斯垂克條約將「共同外交與安全政策」納入歐盟決策的三大支柱之一後，歐盟在外交與安全政策的合作才開始具備法律的基礎。但是一九九0年代發生於歐洲本身的區域衝突，凸顯歐盟在解決歐洲本身軍事爭端時的無力感。在一九九0年代末期發展出的「歐洲安全與防衛政策」即著眼於歐盟自主軍事力量的整合與強化，以期因應未來可能發生的區域與國際衝突。 ..

The process of the European integration in economic, cultural and universalising Western values in the past half century has reinforced EU's role as a global “civilian power”. The 1992 Maastricht Treaty founded a “Common Foreign and Security Policy ”, as one of the three pillars of EU, providing c0operation of foreign and security policies among member states with a legal basis. Nevertheless, regional conflicts in Europe of hte 90s only demonstrated that EU was not yet capable of solving military conflicts in its..

後冷戰時期波蘭外交政策之轉變可謂歐洲政治發展過程中一個相當明顯且重要的變化，本文以外交ˋ政策分析架構來檢視波蘭後冷戰時期加入北約、歐盟以及美伊戰爭後的外交政策變化，這些政策變化的主要動力來自對權力追求的強度、對合乎國家利益的理性考量、心理因素如何影響外交政策制定以及探討歷史思維在政策制定過程中扮演之角色等。 本文認為波蘭外交政策變化之因在於 : 第一，加入北約是為了滿足對外部安全環境的需求，以外交政策調整發誓獲得安全保證，決策者透過實質理性判斷，滿足加入北約的心理與歷史需求。第二..

The shift in foreign policy of Poland during the post-Cold war period can be considered as a significant process in the development of the European politics. This study focuses on the changes of foreign policy structure of Poland after the joining of NATO, EU and the US-lead war on Iraq. The changes are motivated by the strength on pursuit of power, rationality of the state interest, and the ideological and historical influence on the foreign policy making. This analysis draws the conclusion to the cause in Polish foreign policy change...

1991年蘇聯解體之後，中亞成為全球安全局勢最具挑戰的地區之一，強權在中亞的權力競逐亦日趨白熱化。對積極邁向世界強權的歐盟而言，中亞天然資源豐富又位居反恐戰略要衝地位，是兵家必爭之地，但受制於地緣政治因素，歐盟在中亞儼然還不是戰略玩家，其與中亞國家之關係迄今仍根據1999年生效的「夥伴暨合作協定」，缺乏一套完整的戰略規劃。2003年11月喬治亞爆發「玫瑰革命」，隨後又在前蘇聯地區引發連鎖效應，使歐盟在中亞的戰略再成討論議題。 本文主要係從歐盟「歐洲睦鄰政策」的面向切入，分別檢視歐..

Central Asia reemerged from the collapse of the USSR in 1991 as one of the political and security challenging regions, intensifying the struggle among competing powers. The region's natural resources and strategic importance on anti-terrorism are critical for EU striving to achieve a global great power. But restricted by geo-politics, EU has not become a strategic player in Central Asia. The only legal framework of EU-Central Asian bilateral relations was the “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement” (PCA) since 1999, lacking ..