2004年10月，第五屆亞歐會議在越南河內舉行，本屆亞歐會議可以視為歐洲與亞洲兩大區域的結合。亞歐會議雖然確立了「政治對話、經濟合作和文化交流」三大領域的合作關係，但是到目前卻仍然停留在相互對話及磨合的階段，連最初步的雙方共組自由貿易區都無法達成共識; 另外，不論從經濟面向或是政治面向來檢視，亞太地區仍然是東亞國家主要貿易往來的主體，同時亞太地區已經存在著亞太經合會的對話管道，甚至東亞地區的東協加三也正在逐漸成形，成為東北亞與東南亞的主要交流管道，因此，在沒有共同經濟利益的基礎之下，亞歐..

The 5th ASEM took place on October 2004 in Hanoi, Vietnam. Although ASEM is an informal forum, it was one of the most important cross-continental regime. Though the forum establishes the structure of “political dialogue, economical cooperation, and culture interflow”, the process still lodges on dialogues of two sides, even in the free trade area that was co-established, consensus is rare.  In addition, from both political and economical aspect, the Asian-pacific region still is the mainframe of East Asian trades; the A..

1991年蘇聯解體之後，中亞成為全球安全局勢最具挑戰的地區之一，強權在中亞的權力競逐亦日趨白熱化。對積極邁向世界強權的歐盟而言，中亞天然資源豐富又位居反恐戰略要衝地位，是兵家必爭之地，但受制於地緣政治因素，歐盟在中亞儼然還不是戰略玩家，其與中亞國家之關係迄今仍根據1999年生效的「夥伴暨合作協定」，缺乏一套完整的戰略規劃。2003年11月喬治亞爆發「玫瑰革命」，隨後又在前蘇聯地區引發連鎖效應，使歐盟在中亞的戰略再成討論議題。 本文主要係從歐盟「歐洲睦鄰政策」的面向切入，分別檢視歐..

Central Asia reemerged from the collapse of the USSR in 1991 as one of the political and security challenging regions, intensifying the struggle among competing powers. The region's natural resources and strategic importance on anti-terrorism are critical for EU striving to achieve a global great power. But restricted by geo-politics, EU has not become a strategic player in Central Asia. The only legal framework of EU-Central Asian bilateral relations was the “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement” (PCA) since 1999, lacking ..

本文主要分三大部分，首先從「新現實主義」、「新自由主義」與「善治」等三個角度，探索歐盟 (European Union/EU) 對中國政策的產出背景與運作邏輯。其次，本文將從實踐面著手，從歐盟與中國對彼此發表的八份文件，分析歐盟對中國政策的具體實踐，並檢視歐盟與中國在「軍售」、「WTO與市場經濟地位」以及「人權」三個問題上的互動與折衝。最後，本文將檢討與評估歐盟對中國政策的運作成效，以及歐盟內部成員國的立場對於歐盟對中國政策產出的影響，並展望歐盟的中國政策對其區域與全球戰略佈局的未來發展..

This article is divided into three major parts. It first explores the background and logic of EU's China policy from three aspectds : Neo-Realism, Neo-Liberalism and Good Governance. It then turns to practices and reviews EU's China policy based on eight documents issued by EU and China. It analyzes the reciprocity, negotiation, and compromise between EU and China on three issues of arms sales, WTO and market economy status, and human rights. In the final part, it reviews and evaluates the effect of EU's China policy and its mem..

本文所要探討的是一個尚未回答的問題，也就是歐盟的法律地位問題，換句話說，歐盟在法律上屬於哪一類型的政治組織? 很顯然的，以傳統法律術語裡面所定義的聯邦去定位歐盟並不合適。目前的歐盟，既不是聯邦，也不應視為聯邦。當然，她也不能被稱為一個國家，因為她並沒有也不願爭取做為一個國家所必須具備的最高決策權力。根據歐盟憲法條約草案第一條第十一項第二款的規定，歐盟任何一種權力的取得以歐盟成員國的個別授權為限。因此，如何定義歐盟，至今還沒有人給過一個大家都能接受的答案。 筆者認為，給予歐..

The article deals with an unanswered question of how the legal status of the European Union may be characterized. In other words: What kind of political community the EU belongs to? It is rather easy to demonstrate that the juridical terms, which were used traditionally to define federally organized political units, are not appropriate to characterize the European Union. It may not be treated as a confederation of soveregin states nor as a federal state, and the EU itself resists being called a state at all. It is because that the EU do..