過去的研究指出在 1996 至 2008 年臺灣四次總統選舉中,認同是一個影響選民投票抉擇的重要因素,在 2012 年的總統選舉中,認同是否仍然為一個重要的影響因素,是本文的主要探討問題。本文首先從認同理論的界限設定觀點,討論臺灣認同的階段,提出臺灣認同已從第一階段的「省籍」對立,到第二階段的「臺灣意識/中國意識」之爭,而在兩岸恢復交流後,因為認同界限的改變(臺灣 vs.中國),進入到第三階段的「國家認同」層次。在第三個階段,臺灣與中國之間存在文化聯繫與政治..
Previous studies show that identity is an important factor in voting choice in the past four Taiwanese presidential elections between 1996 and 2008. This paper aims to explore whether identity still retains its impact on voting choice in the 2012 presidential election. The author starts with the discussion on the development of the Taiwan identity. Theoretically, identity can be regarded as a type of boundary setting and its development includes three stages. The first stage is the distinction between Benshengren and Mainland..
1970 年代研究三角關係的專家塔圖(Michel Tatu)指出,美、中、蘇 「三者之一欲激起另兩方同謀之必然方式,為展現過度侵略性」。本文以塔圖之分析,探討 1979 年以來美臺軍事、政治與經貿關係之演變。由過去美、中、臺三角關係之互動,可以看出以下的特性:(1)中國對臺有過度侵略性的舉止,如 1996 年臺海危機,美國主動強化美臺軍事關係,增加美臺合作的空間;(2)在中國壓力下,國際組織有過度的舉止,如 2007 年聯合國秘書長潘基文謬誤解讀臺灣地位,..
Michel Tatu, an expert on US-China-USSR relations, observed in 1970 that “the surest way for any of the three to provoke the other two into collusion is to display undue aggressiveness.” This study analyses US- Taiwan relations in light of Tatu’s assumption. The interactions of US- Taiwan-China relations since 1979 are marked by the following features: (1)When China acts with undue aggressiveness against Taiwan – as for example in the 1996 missile crisis which prompted the US to dispatch two aircraft c..
法國與臺灣的政府體制都屬於半總統制,法國的憲政經驗中曾出現過三次的「左右共治」,臺灣的憲政經驗中卻從未出現過「藍綠共治」,何以如此?這是本文欲探討的課題。本文藉助賽局理論作為分析工具,探討制度安排如何影響行動者間的策略互動,以致最後產生了共治與否的差異。法國與臺灣擁有不同的選舉制度和不同的國會保障機制,在兩種制度因素的交互作用下,會引導分屬不同政黨陣營的總統和國會多數產生不同的政治計算與策略互動,最終導致法國出現「左右共治」,臺灣卻沒有出現「藍綠共治」。 ..
Both France and Taiwan’s political systems are semi-presidential. However, “cohabitation” in French constitutional experience has occurred three times while Taiwan has never seen “cohabitation” until now. Finding the reason for this difference is the central question of this paper. By using the game theory as an analysis tool, the paper explores how the institutional design influences the actors’ strategic interactions, which underlies the discrepancy between France and Taiwan in “coh..
本論文目的在於,針對韓國與臺灣及中國貿易結構,探討兩岸 ECFA 對韓臺經貿關係的影響。韓國與中華民國臺灣皆是以出口為導向的國家,經濟成長主要依靠對外出口。兩國的經濟、產業結構相似、出口市場重疊,在國際市場成為競爭對手。韓、臺最大的出口市場都是中國,對中國的主要出口產品同質性高,在中國市場難免形成激烈競爭。兩岸簽署 ECFA 之後,臺灣較韓國擁有較大的價格優勢,將會削弱韓國在中國市場的競爭力,這對韓國的外貿而言,堪稱一場災難。為了渡過兩岸簽署 ECFA 的難..
The goal of this paper is to examine impact of the ECFA on economic and trade relations between South Korea and Taiwan from trade structure among three counties. South Korea and the Republic of China at Taiwan are export-oriented countries that mainly rely on economic growth by export. Both countries have become competitive on the international market as their bilateral economic and industrial structures are similar and export markets overlapping. China is both countries’ largest export market and there exist homogeneit..
本文透過評估群眾對民主鞏固概念的認知程度,探討臺灣與東亞民主國家其人民如何形塑民主鞏固的價值體系,並比較各國之間的差異性,同時討論影響臺灣民主體制評價較低的主要原因為何。本文以影響因素的不一致性,來解釋臺灣民主評價指標表現不佳的情況,並進行臺灣與其他東亞國家的比較,針對影響壹灣民主鞏固的政治與經濟因素作用是否與其他東亞國家有所不同進行分析。在研究方法上,本文運用分量迴歸分析各國政體表現對民主鞏固評價的影響性,是否隨民主鞏固程度而有所改變,進而分析影響臺灣與東亞各國民主評價的主要因素為經濟..
Based on the evaluation of the public's degree of cognition toward the concept of democratic consolidation, this study aims to explore how the value system of democratic consolidation was shaped by the citizens of Taiwan and other countries in East Asia and compare the differences among them. This study conducts the empirical tests using the Quantile Regression Model and analyzes the impact of the sampled governments' performance on the assessment of democratic consolidation and that whether such an impact will change with the degre..
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