自華盛頓共識以降，拉美國家落實新自由主義政策與結構調整，卻無力解決根深蒂固的貧窮與社會不均問題。進入後華盛頓共識時代，懸而未解的發展難題催促拉美國家繼續尋求替代發展的道路，並促成二十一世紀前十八年南美洲興起一波反新自由主義的左派政權，又稱「粉紅色浪潮」。這波趨勢的共同性在於:都試圖解決獨尊市場經濟遺留的社會不公與貧窮問題，並尋求一個兼顧經濟成長與更合理社會分配的替代發展方案。 事實上，拉美替代發展方案經常是「價值理性」取向的，政治領袖又深..

In the post-Washington Consensus era, the pending social inequality and poverty have pushed South American New Left governments to seek “alternative developments” in the dawn of the 21st century, which is the so-called “Pink tide.” These governments’ motive is to seek an alternative development plan to address the social injustice and poverty left by market economy under the neoliberal model. In fact, the common feature of this alternative development trend is characterized by a strong..

氣候變遷與能源安全揭示了新一波能源轉型的重要性。在此背景下， 城市作為全球經濟體系的生產、技術與能源消費的中心，其重要性持續提 升。面對氣候與能源轉型議題，城市在何種程度上可以發展出有別於更高 層級(國家、全球)的治理策略，成為學界與政策實務關切的重要課題。 本文以德國弗萊堡市推動能源轉型經驗為例，聚焦於以下討論:城市 或地方層級如何實踐能源轉型歷程?當中發展出哪些地方性的治理活動? 以下本文將先回顧能源轉型與氣候治理相關文獻，以及近年..

Climate change and energy security highlight the significance of energy transition. As an important node of production, technology and energy consumption in the world, cities play an important role in the economic and social transformation towards sustainable energy. It has been widely acknowledged as one of the major issues that cities and local governments explore governing strategies different from the higher governance level (national, global)to achieve the energy transition. This paper attempts to answer the f..

王金平黨籍訴訟案同時凸顯出國家管制(司法審查)/政黨自主的界限問題、政黨自主/個人自由的界限問題，以及黨內民主原則的適用範圍問題等。本文參考有限度審查說、司法審查基準理論、外國政黨法、國內外相關司法判決，對前述問題得出下列結論: 第一，為能具體釐清政黨自主及司法審查之界限，筆者建立三階段之審查基準。依序審視:政黨在程序方面之規定及運作，是否違反國家法律規定及民主原則，致使黨員權利受到不合法之侵害，或受到少數人之打壓?政黨在實體方面之規定..

The lawsuit of Wang Jin-pyng’s party membership has exposed problems concerning the boundary between state regulation ( judicial review)and party autonomy, between party autonomy and individual freedom, as well as the scope of application of the principle of inner-party democracy. Based on the “theory of limited review”, the standards of review, party laws of foreign countries, as well as related domestic and foreign judicial decisions, this study came to the following conclusions regarding the abovementione..

2015 年 11 月，緬甸舉行國會大選，由翁山蘇姬領導的全國民主聯盟(全民聯)獲得壓倒性勝利。2016 年 3 月，由全民聯所提名的翁山蘇姬親信 碇喬(Htin Kyaw)，順利在國會總統選舉中獲勝，並於 3 月 30 日正式宣誓就任緬甸新總統。其後，碇喬總統向國會提出的 21 個部會首長名單，也獲得國會通過。本文將先從碇喬內閣完整名單探討新政府人事布局的若干特點，並對照新政府近日相關的種種政治作為與安排，分析其欲展現的政治目標，以及對緬甸與中美大國關係所..

In November 2015, the National League for Democracy(NLD), led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide victory in the general elections. In March 2016, the NLD nominee U Htin Kyaw, a confidant and proxy of Suu Kyi, successfully won the presidential election in the Union parliament, and was inaugurated as president on March 30. On May 25, President Htin Kyaw announced the final list of 21 ministers to assume control of 22 ministries. This paper discusses the characteristics of personnel composition of Htin Kyaw’s cabinet..

自從 1962 年便落入軍事威權統治的緬甸，在 2010 年 11 月 7 日舉行自 1990 年以來首次的聯邦與地方議會大選，並在 2011 年 3 月 30 日隨著新總統登盛的宣誓就職，而從軍政府正式轉型至文人政府。此後登盛政府進行了一系列改革措施，頗令人耳目一新。本文主旨在解讀緬甸自 1948 年獨立以來的政治發展，並將 2011 年以降的政治改革放在威權政體尋求政治正當性的歷史脈絡中來觀察，而認為當軍政府的國內正當性鞏固工程在本世紀初面臨因經濟困境所..

The Burmese military has been successful in maintaining its authoritarian rule in the past decades. In 2011, however, the junta shifted its power to the civilian government despite the absence of inside or outside political pressure . Since then, the new government has introduced many reforms that allow greater political liberty in Burma. This paper locates the junta’s power shift as part of a wider process of the military consolidating political legitimacy. It argues that as the junta’s power consolidation reache..