本文目的在探究委內瑞拉查維茲總統執政期間，以國家力量打造的國有糧食生產體系與相關制度，為何以及如何導致委內瑞拉走向更仰賴糧食進口，並於國際石油價格崩跌之後陷入嚴重的物資「短缺」。   本文從制度論出發，制度互補作為分析架構，並結合國家角色與國家結盟進行分析，目的在探究2001~2013年間查維茲總統在「糧食主權」和 「二十一世紀社會主義國家轉型」政策框架下啟動的一系列糧食與農業政策，包括:土地改革與再分配、糧食市場銷售計劃、食品加工與零售部門國有化，以及價格和匯..

The paper examines the Venezuelan food and agricultural policies imposed by ex-President Hugo Chávez during 2001-2013 in order to explore why and how Venezuela became heavily reliant on food importation and eventually led to severe food shortage in 2014 when oil price collapsed.   The research uses institutionalism and institutional complementarity as analytical framework, aiming at exploring how a series of food and agricultural policies, namely, land reform, price and exchange control, and nationalization of agroindustry sec..

長期困擾菲律賓內部安定的菲律賓共產黨(菲共)，似乎是目前世界各恐怖組織的異數。因為菲共雖然面臨資源匱乏和策略工具失靈的困境，而數度瀕臨瓦解。不過，由於組織紀律嚴謹、戰略目標明確、意識形態完備加上能夠快速地調整形態，使得該組織仍得以續存迄今。 然而，就菲共的發展歷程、組織結構和治理經驗來觀察，可以發現如何汲取和運用社會資本似乎就成為菲共尋求生存發展的主要策略，因此社會資本與菲共的關聯性研究，也就成為本文亟待論證和剖析的命題所在。 ..

The Communist Party of the Philippines, CPP, has threatened domestic stability of the Philippines for a long time. CPP has been regarded as a deviant case of terrorist organizations in the world. Facing resource scarcity, strategic failure, and looming collapse, CPP retained unambiguous strategic targets, a strong ideology, and functioned under strict discipline. Its survival has been attributed to its efficient application of social capital. Thus, in this paper, we undertake an important task closely analyze CPP’s developmental proce..

阿拉伯之春是於 2010 年年底，由突尼西亞開始發生一連串位於包括中東與北非地區的國內政治動盪事件。多數人認為，這與當地的威權政治，以及經濟發展遲緩有高度相關，因此，本文首先探討中東北非地區內戰可能的發生原因，包括經常被提及的政治與經濟因素，另外再輔以中東北非地區特殊的區域環境解釋，包括了此區特有的豐富天然資源，以及造成此次阿拉伯革命的連鎖反應。作者發現，經濟發展非常顯著地影響著內部衝突發生的機率，包括良好的發展以及開放的貿易政策，而民主與衝突則顯示「倒 U..

Since the Arab Spring occurred in the end of 2010, Middle East and North Africa(MENA)regions have drawn attentions from international society because of turbulent domestic events. Some nations in this area have leaders who stay in office for a very long time(e.g. Libya and Egypt), and some nations suffer from slow economic development(e.g. Algeria). Therefore, this study tries to review the previous studies on the civil war, focusing on political and economic determinants, to examine if political institution and economic deve..

中國大陸自文革起歷經改革開放、中越戰爭、重要歷史決議案等重大轉變;同時日本的中國研究界內部也正進行世代交替的變化過程;加上兩岸公開史料，日中間學術交流、研究者相互長期在地研究等客觀情勢變化。日本中國研究因此開啟了約十年的轉型期，這個期間轉型並不朝向單一方向，而 是開始了各種多元的復甦。首先是在史觀上，在社會主義中國完全視為完全斷裂的「革命史觀」，轉變為強調連續性的「民國史觀」;第二是主體性與價值觀面向，擺脫完全依賴中共定義，建立日本「再評價」風潮;最後是方法..

Since the Cultural Revolution, Mainland China has experienced great transitions such as the Reform and the Open Period, the Sino-Vietnam War, and several historical political resolutions. Japan’s China Studies have also experienced several generational changes. Historical documents between Taiwan and China have been published. Scholarly exchanges between China and Japan have also increased, including the possibility of visiting scholars from one to the other. All these have contributed to the transition of Japan’s..

1991年蘇聯解體之後，中亞成為全球安全局勢最具挑戰的地區之一，強權在中亞的權力競逐亦日趨白熱化。對積極邁向世界強權的歐盟而言，中亞天然資源豐富又位居反恐戰略要衝地位，是兵家必爭之地，但受制於地緣政治因素，歐盟在中亞儼然還不是戰略玩家，其與中亞國家之關係迄今仍根據1999年生效的「夥伴暨合作協定」，缺乏一套完整的戰略規劃。2003年11月喬治亞爆發「玫瑰革命」，隨後又在前蘇聯地區引發連鎖效應，使歐盟在中亞的戰略再成討論議題。 本文主要係從歐盟「歐洲睦鄰政策」的面向切入，分別檢視歐..

Central Asia reemerged from the collapse of the USSR in 1991 as one of the political and security challenging regions, intensifying the struggle among competing powers. The region's natural resources and strategic importance on anti-terrorism are critical for EU striving to achieve a global great power. But restricted by geo-politics, EU has not become a strategic player in Central Asia. The only legal framework of EU-Central Asian bilateral relations was the “Partnership and Cooperation Agreement” (PCA) since 1999, lacking ..